Iraq’s Step Forward with Three Steps Back

By: Saltanat Berdikeeva

Note: Throughout December and January, PITAPOLICY has tried to view Iraq through various “non-oil” lenses when reviewing its political and economic state. PITA-consumers have commented on its previous sanctions regime and impact on human rights; the civil society initiatives, like TEDx; female entrepreneurs; conflict training programs, and observations on customer satisfaction. The goal was, and continues to be, describe the contemporary Iraq: the multi-faceted elements that make up a nation, a people, a civilization. PITAPOLICY concludes the series on Iraq by inviting an Energy Analyst to review…oil. Without characterizing oil as a resource curse or blessing, the author provides the current outlook.

“East – is a delicate matter,” according to one of many catchphrases of the 1970 Russian cult film “White Sun of the Desert” about the Russian Civil War in Central Asia in the early 1920s. But the reference could not be more germane to contemporary Iraq with its multitude of problems and opportunities. The departure of the U.S. troops from Iraq in December 2011 unleashed violence and explosions as the fragile unity government is more and more divided. Iraq may be at the crossroads to become either a fragmented state paralyzed with violence or a prosperous country benefitting from its fourth-largest oil reserves in the world.

On December 22, 2011, a few days after the departure of U.S. troops, Hussain al-Shahristani, Iraq’s deputy prime minister for energy, announced that Iraqi crude oil output reached the highest level in 20 years, or over 3 million barrels a day (mbd). He stressed that the oil production would be at 3.4 mbd by the end of 2013, of which 2.6 mbd would be exported. Estimates of Iraq’s crude oil production levels over the next five years by the International Energy Agency (IEA) were even more optimistic. According to IEA, Iraq’s total output, which includes crude from Kurdistan, were to reach 4.36 mbd between 2010 and 2015 and account for 80 percent of increase in production capacity of the Organization of Petroleum Export Countries (OPEC). While oil production in Iraq has been increasing with the arrival of major energy companies since 2009 and the country plans to carry out its 4th energy auction to international energy firms in April 2012, the anticipation of Iraq becoming a game-changer in OPEC in the next five years might be overly optimistic, if not naïve.

The 2007 Oil Law still in limbo, corruption, divided government, lingering security problems, lethal insurgency, a lack of the rule of law and cumbersome bureaucracy that makes even a simple process like obtaining a visa to Iraq a grueling mission will force investors to be more patient than their money might be. There are fears of Lebanonization of the country, that is, formalization of distribution of power along ethnic and sectarian lines, unless the fragile leadership manages to maintain the unity government. A dire need for investment to rebuild the country’s infrastructure has not made it easy for Western companies to go in and get to work. In fact, apart from security challenges and less than profitable initial business climate, the hardest lesson for investors appears to be understanding of the Iraqi culture. As one investor noted, “in a Western culture, we’re used to going in and saying ‘it’s your job, sort it (out), what’s the problem?’ and demanding services. In this culture, that’s not what they’re looking for.” Patience and fostering relationships with locals seem to be the best advice to take for investors.

Adding another layer of complexity to the Iraqi context, the interests of neighboring Iran and Saudi Arabia are not necessarily a prosperous or democratic Iraq. Even under the best of circumstances, Iraq’s ability to meet 80 percent of OPEC oil production capacity would be curtailed and controlled by the organization’s swing producer, Saudi Arabia. Emerging with strong influence on many aspects of Iraqi affairs following the U.S. invasion of this country, Iran will do everything to limit Iraq’s rise as an oil power house in the region, particularly as Iran’s energy sector sets back as a result of mounting sanctions from the West. It is not ruled out that as Iran comes under increasing pressure from the West, it may carry out attacks on Iraq’s oil infrastructure as a proxy attack against the West. In view of regional political and security issues, let alone domestic challenges within Iraq, rebuilding of this country and predicting its copious production of oil will be, in fact, a delicate matter for years to come.

Saltanat is an Energy Analyst based in Washington, DC. She may be reached via email sberdikeeva@gmail.com. Feel free to follow her on Twitter: @saltaberdikeeva

7 Comments

Filed under Analysis, PIDE (Policy, International Development & Economics), Politics

Virtual Death; Print Versus Electronic: When Will Trend Reach MENA Region?

France is already tackling the challenge of lower consumption of print media. In 2009, France’s Ministry of Culture passed an initiative to promote subscription to one newspaper among French citizens between 18-24 year olds. More problem-solving has ensued to address the global trend of the “dying print media.”

To What Extent Will Trend Reach MENA?
Print newspapers are experiencing a decline, as a well as books. To what extend will the shift from print to electronic reach the MENA region? Similarly, will books face the “virtual death” in other regions of the world, like MENA? Enter the Kindle, iPad’s newer applications, and other technological tools. Technology tools and social media have catapulted in MENA–even before the Arab Awakening. A great case study is Egypt, which has high rates of internet penetration as well as the most print newspapers–Arabic and English–in all of the Arab world. The Egyptian government owns a controlling stock in three major daily Egyptian newspapers: Al-Ahram, Al-Akhbar, and Al-Gumhuriya.

PITAPOLICY invites pita-consumers to respond to theses global trends and debate whether they apply to the MENA region, in an opinion or analytical piece. Submit your thoughts to pitapolicy@gmail.com! In the meantime, take the poll. Compare the responses to the interview.

Check out this interviewAnother interview with French publisher, Arash Derambarsh, who is active on the conservative side of politics as a French politico of Persian heritage..

Summary of Interview:
The panelists debate the virtual death of print media regarding books. Panelists include:
– Arash Derambarsh (éditions Le Cherche Midi)
– Hervé Le Tellier (auteur)
– Mathias Lair Liaudet (Union des écrivains)
– Juan Pirlot de Corbion (Fondateur YouScribe.com)

The digital debate questions whether the IPad revolution will provide the digital book to completely supplant the print book (as in Nook and Kindle). The iPad was out in the 1980’s, so why is it only appearing now? The Apple company is not approaching the French publishers; there is not much cooperation. The panelists prefer the natural book, but they are also open to the technology–provided that intellectual property is respected. Overall, they participate in the consumer culture regarding the new trend of the digital book andthink it will win over the iPad. Perhaps easier applications will be created to read books on iPad…to be continued….

Additional Resources to Focus on an Egypt Case Study

1) Committee to Protect Journalists. Middle East and North Africa Country Report: Egypt . 2001. Available from http://www.cpj.org/attacks01/mideast01/Egypt.html .

2) De Blij, H.J., and Peter O. Muller. Geography: Realms, Regions and Concepts . New York: John Wiley and Sons, 2002.

3) “Egypt.” BBC News. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk .

4) IJNet: International Journalists’ Network. Available from http://www.ijnet.org/Profle/Africa/Egypt/media.html .

5) “The Press in Egypt.” Available from http://www.sis.gov.eg/pressrev/html/pressinfo.htm .

~PITAPOLICY

10 Comments

Filed under Politics, Technology

Art & the Arab Spring by Daanish Faruqi

By: Daanish Faruqi
Source: Al Jazeera
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

Doha, Qatar – Cai Guo-Quiang’s exhibit in Doha was exquisite. Incorporating techniques from Islamic artistic heritage such as miniature paintings, Saraab (“mirage”), the celebrated artist’s inaugural solo exhibition in the Arab world creatively synthesised the hitherto unexplored historical and cultural dynamics of the Arab Gulf and China.

For instance, through controlled gunpowder explosions, he produced a dazzling canvass of 99 horses that simultaneously highlighted the symbolic nature of the number 99 – a reference to the 99 names of God in the Islamic tradition, and a symbol for infinity in Chinese culture – and of the horse more generally, with the majestic steed featuring prominently in both cultural milieus.

One small problem, though: in my several hours of marvelling through the Mathaf, the Arab Museum of Modern Art in Doha, I counted fewer than ten other patrons there to take advantage of Cai’s exhibit. Even more disappointing, every one of those vagrant visitors looked foreign, without a Qatari (or Arab, for that matter) in sight to savour the fruits of Cai’s labour.

Even the plethora of advertisements for the exhibit prominently plastered around the city, it seems, were insufficient to generate serious interest.

For an institute whose stated mission is to present “a unique Arab perspective on modern and contemporary art”, its reception was less than encouraging.

Qatar hosts biggest daylight fireworks show
Indeed, Professor Hamid Dabashi made precisely that observation on these very pages, shortly after his visit to Doha for Saraab’s opening on December 5. Marked by a spectacular outdoor exhibition held on the outskirts of the museum, the opening expo – dubbed “Black Ceremony” – staged a thunderous spectacle of dynamite explosions, producing colourful blossoms of ink across an open-sky canvas.

Art aficionados from around the world were drawn to Doha to celebrate the momentous occasion, happily noshing on complimentary salmon and beefsteak hors d’oeuvres as the internationally renowned Chinese artist made his debut performance in the Arab world.

But as Dabashi astutely cautioned, the euphoria produced by this opening extravaganza has limited staying power, and by itself says very little about the viability of the exhibit as representative of a greater Arab public sphere. And as he predicted, once the cameras and art critics moved on to their next exhibit, public interest quickly dissipated.

For however admirable Cai Guo-Quiang’s efforts were at subtly forging links between the cultural and historic milieu of the Arab region and his native China, the exhibit failed to sufficiently address the Arab world’s historic moment: the heightened and rapidly transforming Arab consciousness embodied in the Arab Spring.

Artistic Arab public sphere?
Unencumbered by the revolutionary sentiment presently engulfing the rest of the Arab world, and bolstered by enormous material wealth, Qatar is in a unique position to creatively channel the Arab world’s great historical moment into a vibrant arena of artistic expression. Such a forum, properly situated in the lived reality of this renewed Arab consciousness, could stand to inspire the entire region. But alas, one cannot simply buy a cultural public sphere, as Dabashi pointed out.

The extent to which Gulf states such as Qatar gloss over the grounded realities of the Arab Spring – namely, the underlying call for human dignity undergirding each of these movements – is the extent to which its aesthetic output becomes reduced to lifeless commodities, no matter how extravagant.

Opulent displays such as Doha’s Museum of Islamic Art – designed by none other than the renowned Chinese architect IM Pei – or the Doha Film Festival simply cannot stand on their price tags alone, but must respond to the region’s organic impulses in order to gain serious currency as part of an Arab public sphere.

That said, even in Doha, amid the nihilism Dabashi aptly inveighs against, there nonetheless exist nascent pockets of precisely the artistic Arab public sphere he clamours for. I refer in particular to an exhibit I recently visited in the Al Markhiya gallery in Doha’s Souq Waaqif aptly titled Isharat, or “Signposts”, featuring artists from around the region, whose work fully embodies the Arab Spring’s clarion call for liberation.

Al Markhiya is certainly a much smaller and boutique operation than the more glitzy and flamboyant Mathaf, but is nonetheless highly respected in Qatar and boasts a significant patronage. It is thus somewhat disappointing that a renowned intellectual and cultural critic such as Professor Dabashi was not informed about an exhibit in the city embodying the very aesthetic impulse he yearns for.

Granted, Dabashi was a guest in the city for only a few days, and as such can be excused for not having attended. But the problem is much more systemic than an innocent overlooking of this or that artistic or cultural exhibit. Rather, avant-garde artists in the Arab world have been neglected and undernourished – not only by the curators of Gulf’s most opulent museums, but by the region’s very patrons whom these artists ostensibly seek to inspire.

Especially in the Palestinian context, the artistic scene in the Arab world has all too often become obsessed with the lachrymose: emancipatory impulse is cast aside in favour of an inordinate focus on struggle, loss and dispossession – with Handala at least partially superimposed over the canvass.

“The artists of the Arab Spring do not need to be found… indeed, they are already among us.”

Meanwhile, artists such as Abdulrahman Katanani, whose work was featured in the Isharat exhibit at the Al Markhiya gallery, receive scant attention in comparison. A Palestinian sculptor born and raised in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, Katanani insists on using raw materials from the camps themselves in all his sculptures.

Only by doing so, he argues, can he keep the spirit of freedom and hope alive amid an environment that seems diametrically opposed to those impulses. Under this rubric, the artist can transform an otherwise desiccated piece of scrap metal into a captivating exhibit of camp children flying kites: the chain-linked fencing wire previously used to sequester and ensnare them has been reconstituted as the kite’s drawstring, inextricably connecting them to their soaring vessel and the limitless freedom it symbolises.

All politics?
Katanani’s sculptures embody precisely the emancipatory potential Dabashi envisions, yet he is woefully underappreciated. Not only did a visiting critic such as Professor Dabashi not receive adequate word of the showing, but even the Palestinian ambassador in Doha, despite having gotten numerous invitations – in person, via phone and via SMS – has to date not attended any of Katanani’s exhibits.

The artists of the Arab Spring do not need to be found, as Dabashi suggests at the end of his essay: indeed, they are already among us, even in the Khalij. Their discovery is proving elusive, I submit, because of a misplaced expectation of art’s role in the revolutionary moment in the first place.

What distinguished the Isharat exhibit at the Al Markhiya gallery in particular was its decidedly non-political focus: each artist, while wholly committed to the Arab Spring, offered no specific political message in his or her aesthetic interpretation of that event. The patron in the Arab art scene, it seems, all too often expects to find explicit political messages in a piece of art, and judges the work on that basis. Artists such as Katanani, it follows, are neglected for failing to sufficiently inform our political impulses.

This is the cardinal mistake. It is beyond the purview of the artist to provide a detailed blueprint to guide a political movement to fruition, be it through the motif of exile or otherwise. Indeed, it would have been naive for the social movements of the 1960s to have expected Bob Dylan to offer a detailed understanding of how society operates at its most visceral level.

Art’s role, as Dabashi correctly describes, is to imagine the emancipatory politics of our impossibilities. To imagine is not to chronicle in minute detail. The artists of the Arab Spring are tasked with simply igniting a spark, of reinjecting the radical imagination into Arab society, through envisioning the utopian possibility of hope and a better life, undergirded by the basic dignity of the Arab people as non-negotiable and sacrosanct.

Their aesthetic impulses must lead our revolutionary politics, as Dabashi describes, but as signposts, not as overt political manifestos. Only under this rubric can the legions of brave Arab artists, painters and sculptors inspired by the Arab Spring truly make sense as purveyors of the region’s renewed collective consciousness, and the Arab public sphere Dabashi envisions finally come to fruition.

Daanish Faruqi is the editor of the recent book From Camp David to Cast Lead: Essays on Israel, Palestine, and the Future of the Peace Process (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, April 2011), and is currently a research fellow based in Doha.

Follow him on Twitter: @daanishfaruqi

17 Comments

Filed under Analysis, Interests, Politics

More than Just “Facebook Girl”

Note: An earlier version of this article appears in Horizons magazine here page 50.
By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

“A politician should have the ability to analyze,” says Ms. Esraa Abdel Fattah to me right before receiving the Middle East Institute Visionary Award. Ms. Abdel Fattah is vocal, but remains humble. She has a sharp mind, but struck me with her kindness in a crowded setting where dozens are vying for her attention. Ms. Esraa Abdel Fattah commands a crowd. Perhaps in 2008, that is how she successful organized a group of textile workers to strike for more fair wages in her native Egypt. Her voice, online and off-line, as well as all of the above explain how she has been listed as number 73 of 100 “Most Powerful Arab Women” in Arabian Business Magazine; earned Glamour magazine’s “Woman of the Year”; received leading NGO on freedom and democracy, Freedom House’s New Generation Democratic Activist Award and not to mention: nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize Nominee this year (which, fortuitously, was awarded to another Arab female activist).

If only Senators Boxer and Casey could have heard idealism at work, perhaps their focus on Arab Women’s rights would not conflate cultural challenges with global challenges. Starting any movement–regardless of gender (and sometimes in spite of education)–is challenging anywhere. Earlier on November 2nd, Senators Boxer and Casey held a hearing on the Arab Spring’s impact on women. They wanted to explore how the US may expand and support the role of women in countries of the Arab Spring. Not surprisingly, both optimism and skepticism echoed across the spectrum from government agencies and NGOs. The Department of State, The Women’s Partnership for Learning, and the US Institute for Peace testified. The USIP was represented by prominent Muslim American woman–and frequent ISNA speaker–Manal Omar, who serves as USIP’s Director of Iraq, Iran and North Africa Programs. Online and offline, an activist refused to be broken by a her political jail time. Instead, something else got broken: the thick wall of frustration. In particular, women like Egyptian activist/blogger Esraa Abdel Fattah, who amassed over 74,000 Facebook supporters earned more than just the title of “Facebook Girl”. She also has over 22,000 Twitter followers. This is huge considering that it usually takes people two years to accrue over 1,000 followers. (I barely have 430!)

Just because the first wave of the Egyptian revolution has finished, does not mean that Ms. Abdel Fattah has sought early retirement. Instead, she now serves as the Media Director for the Egyptian Democratic Academy (EDA), a non-profit based in Egypt. “My role is to get participation,” because Egyptians already have the schooling. Door to door campaigning is necessary to reach beyond 18 million Egyptians of the 83 million that have some idea of the complex electoral system and might not access to new media. She continues, “it’s not just developing leadership skills–we can’t have one without the other [citizen participation].” That is why EDA’s mission is to 1) promote democracy and human rights in Egypt; 2) Promote freedom of opinion and expression; 3) Support other Youth Organizations; 4) Promote new media tools for advocacy; and 5) Support women, children, and the disabled. She works beyond leadership development to strengthen mass voter education movements.

“This (Egypt’s revolution) was not simply a Facebook revolution,” emphasizes Ms. Abdel Fattah. True, the regime had control over traditional media, like state newspapers and television. She utilized all public spaces to project the April 6th Movement’s voice. First she developed a Facebook page called “Aprtil 6th”, which represented a group of young people demanding political changed. Coupled with other social media tools, like Twitter, she engaged the Egyptian diaspora. Second, she engaged offline by organizing on Tahrir Square. Third, Abdel Fattah linked back with traditional media. All three trace back to Ms. Abdel Fattah’s activist roots. She describes her “first political school” as participating in the Ghad party and its former presidential candidate: Dr. Emain Noor. Dr. Noor and his wife provided the analytical and practical aspects that Ms. Abdel Fatteh chose to emulate. She explains how she was encouraged by Mrs. Noor’s “strong soul to oppose” when her husband was jailed for 5 years.

She is self taught when it comes to mastering the Facebook options to leverage communication. I was amazed to learn that she learned how to develop a page by searching all “Q & A” pages and searching for tutorials online to develop a page that earned her the title “Facebook Girl.” She looks forward to re-engaging with traditional media in Egypt, a country which houses the most Arab news publications in the world because new media has helped rebuild the bridge to information sharing, and hopefully

Although Egypt’s revolution was a not a Facebook Revolution, Ms. Abdel Fattah sees the social media role as a complementary tool. “New media will continue to impact Muslim society” which is why Ms. Abdel Fattah targets youth and trains them in media production, voter registration and election monitoring. EDA hosts year round seminars and instruction for about 20-30 class registrants who bring their laptops for her class “Art & New Media” where she teaches them how to design a page and how to use other tools to build support because, as she emphasizes, “political parties should have their own pages…the activities of a party should be publicized for its members and non-members.” Other classes include 1) Democracy & Human Rights; 2) Youth Organizations Empowerment; and 3) Election Management.

Her message in both Egypt and abroad, “Participate in political life.” Hence, she continues her activist role in the “Tweet Nadwa” or Twitter symposium that initiated in Egypt by moving onto the next civic engagement message for both Egyptians and expatriates: voter registration and education. As former Algerian Ambassador, Lakhdar Brahimi, noted about Ms. Abdel Fattah in another event commemorating both her activism and analysis, “…[Abdel Fattah] her Visionary Award is a vote of confidence for the future.”

1 Comment

Filed under Interests, Politics, Technology

Iraqi-American Perspectives: Business in Baghdad

Dear Pita-consumers:
Happy New Year and hope you are well! January also marks the first month since the U.S. withdrew from Iraq, and luckily, other “pita-consumers” (Ayad Mirjan and Hamada Zahawi) had an opportunity to visit Iraq and reflect on their experiences as Americans of Iraqi descent. Below we have two perspectives regarding the business environment in Baghdad.

First we have Ayad Mirjan, who has a business background and writing his dissertation on customer experience management. Second, we have Hamada Zahawi, who is a former corporate attorney and currently is a speech coach. In November, Hamada visited Iraq to participate in TEDxBaghdad. His story was published in Al Jazeera English on January 3rd, 2012.
Regards,

PITAPOLICY

Perspective #1: Explosive in the literal sense
By: Ayad Mirjan

KAABOOOOOM!!!!!

A rather rude awakening at 7:25 am this morning when an improvised explosive devise exploded near a hotel less than a mile away from my residence.

I came to Baghdad to continue my research on customer experience management and customer service; however, three days into my trip I realized that this is neither the appropriate time, nor the appropriate city to conduct such research. The country is still politically and economically unstable and cannot seem to move forward before addressing the basic needs. Continued here on Ayad’s blog: Moment of Goof.

Ayad Mirjan pursued his MBA degree in the UK at Henley Business School, where he focused on customer experience management and customer loyalty.graduated from the University of California, San Diego. In Washington, DC he pursued positions in Relationship and Account Management in financial services and international development; where “the experiences taught me that ‘people’ is my strength” according to Ayad. Ayad maintains his “Moment of Goof” blog, which includes his reflection above on Iraq, among other observations.

Perspective #2: TEDx Baghdad: “Iraq Is Infinity”
By: Hamad Zahawi

Washington, DC- “My father gave me a great Iraq that now I have to pass down to my son. Will I be able to deliver to him what my father gave to me?” Manhal Al-Habbobi looked straight into the eyes of his audience. It was the first-ever TEDxBaghdad conference, and Manhal was wrapping up his impassioned speech with a call to action for his fellow Iraqis in the audience and around the world watching. “Sometimes I wonder if we are the broken link in the chain,” he continued, “and will our generation be able to pass along this message of a great civilization to the ones to come.”

A gifted and visionary architect, Manhal had recently won a competitive bid to design the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers, a $250 million project to develop one of Iraq’s principal government buildings. As a volunteer speaker coach, I had the honor of working with Manhal in crafting and delivering his speech to a global audience. In his speech, he emphasized the notion of infinity, a symbol found in 5,000-year-old cuneiform writing from Mesopotamia. Manhal drew the inspiration for the structure of his building from this symbol, paying tribute to both Iraq’s ancient heritage and its resilience over the millennia. His use of infinity was indeed a salient concept that truly embodied the spirit of the event and won the hearts of the audience. Little did I know that I would find myself flying to Iraq to directly witness this incredibly moving TEDx talk.

It was the first time I (Click here to continue.)

Hamada Zahawi is an Iraqi-American, Washington DC-based International Transactional Lawyer and Education Admissions Consultant. He was one of the Lead Speaker Coaches at TEDxBaghdad 2011.

4 Comments

Filed under Interests, PIDE (Policy, International Development & Economics), Technology

Gallup Year in Review: MENA Observations

The Abu Dhabi Gallup Center conducts a variety of studies related to Muslim Americans and Muslim-majority countries. With the Gallup touch, Abu Dhabi Center surveys using time series data. For more details regarding the body of their work, click here. Below includes a sample of highlights from 2011.

February
Gallup reveals that a decline in wellbeing preceded the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, even as GDP in those countries increased.

After Egyptians toppled the regime of longtime president Hosni Mubarak, 47% in the U.S. think the events will spur democracy in the region, and 44% don’t.

May
Americans greatly praise the U.S. mission that killed Osama Bin Laden, with 93% approving and 89% greatly crediting the U.S. military.

Gallup reveals that 47% of Pakistanis in 2010 felt that their government’s anti-terror efforts fell short.

June
Gallup finds Egyptians more optimistic about their future lives following the revolution in their country.

A strong majority of Americans (72%) approve of President Obama’s plan to begin withdrawing U.S. troops from Afghanistan.

October
An increasing number of Egyptians say they are “finding it very difficult” to get by on their current income.

Given these developments, what would you like to see covered in 2012?

2 Comments

Filed under Analysis, Interests, PIDE (Policy, International Development & Economics), Politics

Female Social Entrepreneurship in Iraqi Business is Not New

By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

Female Iraqi Social Entrepreneurship Is Not New
“Women are the barometer of success,” emphasizes Manal Omar, who has undertaken several trips each to Iraq’s many provinces as the US Institute for Peace Director of Iraq, Iran and North Africa. Many non-profits raise awareness about women’s rights. In fact, female Iraqi social entrepreneurship on women’s empowerment is not a new trend. In 1993, Iraqi-American, Zainab Salbi, co-founded Women for Women International to counsel and rape victims and war widows. However, local Iraqis, like Susan Arif Maroof and Zainab Sadeq Jaafar inject their professional experience and passion into ensuring peace in Iraqi homes. Specifically, the Al-Mustaqbal Center for Women and Women Empowerment Organization (WEO), led by human rights activist Susan Arif Maroof, link the non-profit model to the community’s needs. The US Institute for Peace (USIP), the United Nations Development Programme, and the European Union recognize how the third sector merges the non-profit model with innovation. Iraq presents a case study of how Arab females apply their education and professional background to tackle violence on the ground in Iraq as well as provide support services to rebuild civil society, the family, and the confidence to move forward post-conflict growth of local Iraqi institutions. This is valuable education for Iraqi women, as getting access to higher education can be difficult in some areas of the country. Foreign education in business schools may prove to be too costly, and business programs from online colleges may also be difficult to access for many Iraqis. The WEO’s business training courses are helping to shape the future of female Iraqi business education and entrepreneurship.

On December 6th, USIP hosted Iraqi female social entrepreneurs to present on “Women Fighting for Peace in Iraq” and explore how tackling gender and post-conflict challenges better promotes women and households politically, economically, and thereby, socially. For over seven years, USIP has worked in Iraq and structures its engagement efforts by “supporting the growth of local Iraqi institutions”. Rather than designing programs and managing its entire life cycle, USIP employs a more networked approach that identifies local experts and specialists. Hence, about 18 of the 90 USIP Iraqi funded projects focus on peer learning and knowledge sharing among women and other Iraqi minorities.

Matching the Organizational Mission to the Right Grant
Triangulating between the organizational mission to the donor mission back to the target population presents a challenge and warrants strong messaging. For example, Jaafar explains that “Violence emanates from the man, so we have to have projects that make him aware of this circumstance,” as the documentary “Be Tender with Flasks” closes. Jafaar is an attorney and activist who procured donor funding to produce the documentary “Be Tender with Flasks”. Procuring funding for such projects, especially film, emerges as a challenge when many aspects of society require rebuilding, and thereby compete for funding. Thus, the 20 minute film speaks to how combatting violence against women is a “pre-requisite to peace building” in Iraq. USIP’s strategic priorities on Iraq includes “promoting moderation and reconciliation”, which emerged from discussions with local Iraqi activists. Similarly, Jafaar addressed the Soros Foundation’s goal to decrease violence against women in rural areas. As a result, Al Mustaqbal received almost $50,000.

In the second case, Maroof manages WEO to 1) operate a mobile health clinic, 2) provide a telephone hotline, and 3) coordinate training the trainers to complete the cycle on community engagement. WEO based in Erbil, Iraq. WEO’s aims to promote Women’s and human rights, gender equity, economic engagement and political participation, and elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. Often, many women’s organizations consist primarily of women. The challenge is recruiting men to engage in women’s issues while believing that the women’s issues go beyond gender. Women’s issues relate to their role in raising the human development index back to pre-war and pre-sanction levels. Consequently, both organizations enlist Iraqi males, like imams, to combat violence against women. The innovation by both models rejects that religious figures should remain absent from secular organizations. Consequently, their grant applications appealed to USIP’s goal to “enhance women’s access to justice in Iraq.”

Moreover, WEO’s project staff conducted eight workshops for 160 policemen judges, lawyer, religious leaders as well members of the general public. They share in disseminating 500 booklets and brochures to address domestic violence. Both USIP funded institutions acknowledge the social, political, and religious dimensions of violence. Jaafar elaborates on her observation that the cycle of violence in the home extends from the violence perpetrated on the battlefield and related security threats. Economic uncertainty and social factors, like unemployment directly contribute to domestic violence. This link should not be ignored as she asserts that “there’s nothing soft about forcing demobilizing solders to desist from domestic violence” a trend in post-Conflict Iraq.

Iraqi Social Entrepreneurs Grow Other Businesses Too
“Your success is our business” articulates Maroof such that the WEO model empowers women and youth to “strengthen them economically” as well. As such, WEO offers business counseling services and includes business training that ranges from agribusiness to advanced computer courses. For Iraqi women that want to emulate Maroof’s social entrepreneurial model, they may take “Proposal Writing”, “Reporting Skills”, or “Monitoring & Evaluation” training courses. For Iraqi women ready for private entrepreneurship, WEO offers “How to Start or Improve a Business” training course. Ultimately, all participants may enlist in “Business Association Management” as a way to support the growth of local Iraqi institutions.

Among WEO other accomplishments, Maroof is pleased that WEO has been identified as a regional resource to provide information in small business development. After reviewing their website, which includes a range of social network tools to engage those beyond its base in Erbil, other workbooks may be downloaded by anyone looking to start a local business. Looking forward, WEO is working on other grants to implement advanced managerial training courses to meet the next level of societal demands.

Essentially, film, PSAs, trainer programs for law enforcement, and domestic violence awareness programs coupled with basic/advanced computer courses, women’s health clinics and services catapult Iraqi women activists’ entrepreneurial vision to match the needs of Iraqi households. From both a non-profit and profit standpoint: Iraqi households operate as the fundamental unit of rebuilding a society, and ultimately, an economy. Perhaps that is why a cartoon simulation shows an Iraqi girl handing her mother a pamphlet while an Arabic narrator emphasizes that legal help and training are available to Iraqi women.

The US completed its withdrawal from Iraq, which will prompt further debate about the economic, political and social costs and benefits. As international financial institutions and banks track Iraq’s oil output and world prices, others will speculate about Iraq’s investment climate based on other indicators. Such indicators reflect on the civil society development across institutions and household by tracking the rate of violence and treatment of women. As local Iraqi social entrepreneurs leverage their organizations to engage in mitigating violence, donors will observe that grant types will need to adjust from “peace and conflict” to “human development” and, perhaps phase out as the private sector engages in a development environment–not a “post-conflict” one. Revisiting Omar’s statement, that “women are barometer of success” of a post-conflict society, the Iraq case of female entrepreneurs present another insight. One could add that women’s ability to replicate models of success, like Jaafar and Maroof, in any society indicates success, and thereby, may foreshadow a healthy investment climate. For those who remain wary, review WEO’s provincial market assessments. To reiterate the Business for Social Responsibility’s report: once women are empowered, they are more likely to invest locally, and thereby contribute economically.

1 Comment

Filed under Analysis, Interests, PIDE (Policy, International Development & Economics)

Transparency in Egypt: Constitutions & NGOs

Note: The following story and interview of Dr. Samer Shehata are from Al Jazeera English, and reposted here for this week’s poll: Egypt’s constitution. The Blogpost is reposted from EgyptSource, managed by the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Harriri Center. EgyptSource, a project of the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, follows Egypt’s transition and provides a platform for Egyptian perspectives on the major issues – economic, political, legal, religious and human rights – that are at stake in the post-Mubarak era.

~ Colbert Interview
~ Al Jazeera Interview

The Transparency Paradox: When Freedom of Information Endangers NGOs
By: Mehrunisa Qayyum Originally printed on December 12, 2011

Non-Egyptian activists and policy wonks are too heavily focused on the electoral politics of the Islamist Freedom and Justice and Nour parties. Many are still trying to come to terms with the fact that the Arab awakening has indeed elevated a variety of voices, some of which are less appealing to Western audiences than others. But in addition to energizing the political arena, the Arab awakening has had an equally significant, but less visible consequence: reactivating Egyptian civil society. Egyptian activists and public policy advocates attest to how the uprising has provided a much-needed jolt for civil society organizations that were dormant for much of Mubarak’s thirty-one year reign. In a new burst of activism, Egypt’s estimated 24,500 civil society groups are currently working to reframe the “how” and what of civic engagement by drafting new legislation like the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) with assistance from the Egyptian American Rule of Law Association (EARLA). If enacted, this vital new law will ensure the free flow of information between media and the newly formed government, an essential feature of the democracy Egypt aspires to become. As Egypt’s transition continues to unfold, watchdog institutions have an important role to play in advancing transparency and freedom of expression.

Given EARLA’s support for legislation protecting freedom of information, some were confused by the association’s decision to withhold the names of Egyptian civil society organizations with which it works. The decision to withhold this information was meant to shield Egyptian organizations from a harsh legal and regulatory environment, which a study by Peter Gubser has described as “one of the most restrictive in the world.”

Recently, the interim government…click to read more.

6 Comments

Filed under Analysis, Politics, Uncategorized

The Father of the Arab Spring and Iraqi Finale

By: Arab-Amreekiya~ *DISCLAIMER NOTE: These are solely my opinions and do not apply nor are they representative of my affiliations.

Ask yourself where were you on December 17, 2010? Yesterday, a year ago, a young fruit vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia not only lit himself on fire but also set the Arab world ablaze, giving birth to what is still being called the Arab Spring. It is something the Arab world has never seen before and is still processing it. With the overthrow of dictators and the death of one, the struggle continues to grow day by day. Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen are some countries that are at brinks of civil war with their governments launching full warfare on their very own civilians.

Tunisia since then has held successful elections and appears to be heading in the right direction. It still may be too early to tell but it’s good to keep things optimistic. As for Egypt, it’s currently battling its biggest blow ever. When Mubarak finally stepped down and the military vowed to transfer the power to those who protested and gave their lives up, it was something to easy to believe. Where will you find in history, in the midst of revolutionary coups, does the military have the interest of its own people? Since February, Egyptians have continued to go out and protest to demand their entitled rights despite attempts to further divide the population. Despite the first part of its elections, the military (considered one of the strongest in the Middle East) refuses to collaborate and have taken on the cowardly role of oppressing its own people, including women, children and the elderly. It’s disgusting to think this is happening; unfortunately, the price for democracy does not come easily and is a long road.

Before all of this began, war or “military invasions” was a common method used to “bring democracy”. Sadly enough, there are alternatives as we have seen this past year. However, it is only appropriate for me to mention the “official” end to the Iraq War, war that has gone on for far too long (8 years). Yes, the world has rid a dictator and there’s a new government (you’re entitled to your own opinion on that). But now looking back, what would have happened if the Arab Spring had launched from the cradle of civilization (aka Iraq)? What if Americans and her allies had not bought into the propaganda sold by just a select elite? How many lives would have been saved and how much money could have been invested and channeled to the appropriate avenues? Alas, we can’t ask “what if” because what is done is done. However, the lessons from Iraq and the Arab Spring should serve as an example in reforming the Middle East. Before the US or anyone else considers in invading or meddling in MENA affairs, allow the MENA people to feel empowered. When the people are being oppressed, step in. Don’t step in just for national self-interest; but, also for the preservation of humanity and justice for all.

Note: Originally posted by Arab-Amreekiya عرب أمريكية at 2:48 PM Follow her on Twitter: @Arab_Amreekiya

4 Comments

Filed under Interests

PITA & PIDE Consumers: Wish List for 2012

Middle East ~ Telecoms, Internet, Broadband, & Mobile Statistics

2 Comments

Filed under Analysis, Interests, PIDE (Policy, International Development & Economics), Technology