June 19, 2012

Focus on Electoral Politics & Elections – Part IV

The month of June will focus on Electoral Process, Elections, and Election Politics.  The Arab Awakening has prompted a series of new elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya–as well as the renewed discussion of electoral process in others.  Last year the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia voted on whether or not women may vote in the future.  In other parts of the world, like in PITAPOLICY’s home country, the USA, 2012 elections dominate the headlines as both presidential candidates rally around parties and Congressional elections organize their primaries. 

On a whole, lessons learned will be shared as pita-consumers compare and contrast election, voter, and party experiences.  Therefore, this week PITAPOLICY will revisit a presentation that Nobel Laureate in Economics at the University of Chicago, Dr. Roger Meyerson,  shared at the World Bank MENA Forum on March 14th.  (With his permission, Dr. Meyerson kindly encouraged PITAPOLICY to post his presentation.)  Meyerson undertook a comparative analysis between Pakistan’s electoral politics and those of Egypt.  He acutely applied game theory concepts to showcase how devolution of power goes back to how empowered local organizing councils and communities are allowed to operate while bigger candidates focus on national politics.  The first half reviews Pakistan as a case study and ends with: “Will local democracy take hold in Egypt?” Part II will pick up from this question next week. 

Our first post began with a discussion of Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood by Nadia Hannout.  She described the grassroots, civic participation in organizing the Muslim Brotherhood in part one of her essay.  Two weeks ago, we reviewed how a political campaign in the US shares similar moments and obstacles during candidate elections in countries, like Tunisia–followed by part two.

In addition, PITAPOLICY is preparing a piece for CG News Service on US Presidential Elections and the implications for US relations with Egypt & Tunisia.  Pita-consumers: we want to hear your thoughts!  So we invite you to participate in the poll on “How US Presidential Elections Will Impact Relations with Egypt & Tunisia?“  The World Bank MENA 2012 Forum probed further into Professor Meyerson’s arguments. 

Presentation: State-building, Leadership & Local Democracy (Part 1)

By: Ali Cheema, Adnan Khan, & Roger Meyerson; Presented by Roger Meyerson at the World Bank, Washington, DC 2012

 Source: Authors
Reference:”Breaking the countercyclical pattern of local democracy in Pakistan,”, by Ali Cheema, Adnan Q. Khan, and Roger Myerson

 

Mechanism design theory and governments?

  1. Powerful government officials must expect greater long-run rewards (moral-hazard rents) from good service than from abuse of power.
  2. A political leader needs a reputation for reliably paying such rewards.
  3. A leader with a sure position has no incentive to reveal information about the smallest rents for he could deliver good public service.
  4. Competition among experienced rivals for office can motivate them to reveal more rent-reducing information.
  5. Hence democracy should increase public welfare.
  6. But democratic competition could fail to reduce political profits if there are no alternative candidates with reputations for good governance (my QJPS ’06).
  7. Successful democracy depends on a plentiful supply of politicians who have good reputations for responsible democratic leadership.
  8. Local democracy creates more opportunities to build such reputations, lowers barriers to entry in politics…

The countercyclical history of local democracy in Pakistan

  1. Three times in Pakistan’s history, institutions of local democracy have been created by military regimes, under Generals Ayub Khan (1959), Zia ul-Haq (1979), Pervez Musharraf (2001).
  2. Each time, these local institutions were later suspended by civilian governments after democracy was restored at the national and provincial levels.
  3. Most recently, Musharraf’s elected local councils were dissolved and replaced by provincial bureaucrats in 2009 (just before the disastrous floods of Jan 2010).
  4. In the military-sponsored local-government reforms, political parties were excluded from any role in sponsoring candidates for local elections.
  5. Civilian rulers failed to maintain any democratic local government system.
  6. This disconnection between political parties and local democracy has weakened the foundations of democracy in Pakistan.

     

Local democracy and the supply of reputations for public service

  1. A simple count of the number of elected officials illustrates the importance of local government in strengthening the national democratic system.
  2. Voters in Pakistan elect about 1100 representatives to national and provincial assemblies. Local councils added over 70,000 popularly elected representatives.
  3. In a strong democratic system, outstanding achievements in local government can open a path for local leaders to compete for higher political offices.
  4. Such paths are closed when democratic local government is suspended, which thus raises barriers against new entry into provincial and federal politics.
  5. Under democracy, representatives in the national and provincial assemblies see elected officials of local government as competitors for power and patronage.
  6. Thus, institutions of elected local democracy have withered when civilian democratic governments were restored at the provincial and federal levels.

 

Disconnection from local politics has weakened democracy

  1. The democratic parties’ disconnection from local government has created local political vacuums that have been repeatedly exploited by nondemocratic forces.
  2. To counter popular support of democratic parties, military regimes could build an alternative base of support by patronizing new locally elected politicians.
  3. As later military rulers confronted more developed party politics, elected local officials were given progressively greater authority under the later rounds.
  4. The detachment of democratic parties from local politics has had particularly disastrous consequences in the Tribal Areas, where local democracy has never been introduced and colonial modes of governance have continued till now.
  5. The long neglect of democratic and legal rights in the Tribal Areas has set the stage for militant insurgency, with profound regional consequences.
  6. Military gains against insurgents in Tribal Areas can be consolidated only by building responsible local government there.
  7. But it is hard to see how this can happen when local democracy has been suspended in the rest of the country.
 Notes: Part 2 will be posted next week and conclude the Electoral Politics Series for June.

“Local government system for Punjab” DFID-TAMA Policy Proposals (2010) http://www.pggp-tama.org/user_files/File/Report%20on%20Local%20Government%20Systems%20in%20Punjab.pdf

These notes:

http://home.uchicago.edu/~rmyerson/research/paklocal2012.pdf

More information from United Cities and Local Governments:

http://www.cities-localgovernments.org/gold/

 

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June 16, 2012

Films & Polls on Arab World

The month of June will focus on Electoral Process, Elections, and Election Politics.  The Arab Awakening has prompted a series of new elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya–as well as the renewed discussion of electoral process in others.  Last year the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia voted on whether or not women may vote in the future.  In other parts of the world, like in PITAPOLICY’s home country, the USA, 2012 elections dominate the headlines as both presidential candidates rally around parties and Congressional elections organize their primaries.  On a whole, lessons learned will be shared as pita-consumers compare and contrast election, voter, and party experiences.

Our first post began with a discussion of Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood by Nadia Hannout.  She described the grassroots, civic participation in organizing the Muslim Brotherhood in part one of her essay.  Two weeks ago, we reviewed how a political campaign in the US shares similar moments and obstacles during candidate elections in countries, like Tunisia.  Last week, we continued with part two of Hannout’s discussion.  PITAPOLICY is preparing a piece for CG News Service on US Presidential Elections and the implications for US relations with Egypt & Tunisia.  Pita-consumers: we want to hear your thoughts!  So we invite you to participate in the poll on “How US Presidential Elections Will Impact Relations with Egypt & Tunisia?“

 

Today’s post is a prelude to the theme for July: Development.  PITAPOLICY intern, Nadia Hannout, has shared her observations from a film screening documenting development efforts for youth in Lebanon.  For more, follow us on Tumblr!

Nadia Walks Us Towards: Meet Me Halfway

By: Nadia Hannout

On Tuesday, June 12, the Nawaya Network screened its documentary Meet Me Halfway  at the George Washington University.  Its founder, Zeina Saab shared her vision with those present, and hoped the film would inspire others to join her in the worth while cause of empowering underprivileged and marginalized children in Lebanon (and eventually elsewhere).

Nawaya was founded to provide children who demonstrate a clear talent or the passion to hone any sort of skill (athletic, artistic, etc…) with the opportunity to do so.
The film was both touching and inspirational and served as a bittersweet reminder of the abundance of talent that lies out there in the world.  Talent that we may never know about, and children that could become modern day Beethovens, Picassos, and Messis, given the chance.
Meet Me Halfway followed four youths now a part of the network, and showcased their skills, aspirations, and what the organization has done to provide them with the resources and opportunities necessary to enhance them.  It is Nawaya’s hope that the future of these youths will be brighter, and that their skills will be used to achieve a better life for themselves, and others around them.
Although it is too early to tell whether the organization will have the effect it seeks in Lebanon, its efforts are highly commendable, and its structure is such that allows those wishing to join in its efforts to do so!  Businesses and individuals can partner up with Nawaya by doing more than contributing financially, although that’s always helpful…  Any one over the age of 18 can apply to mentor a youth, and if you’re interested in helping out but aren’t sure how–just reach out to the Nawaya Network, which seems eager in engaging with all of it’s supporters!

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June 16, 2012

How Will the US Presidential Elections Impact Relations With Egypt and/or Tunisia?

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June 12, 2012

Focus on Electoral Process & Elections Part 3

The month of June will focus on Electoral Process, Elections, and Election Politics.  The Arab Awakening has prompted a series of new elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya–as well as the renewed discussion of electoral process in others.  Last year the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia voted on whether or not women may vote in the future.  In other parts of the world, like in PITAPOLICY’s home country, the USA, 2012 elections dominate the headlines as both presidential candidates rally around parties and Congressional elections organize their primaries.  On a whole, lessons learned will be shared as pita-consumers compare and contrast election, voter, and party experiences.

Our first post began with a discussion of Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood by Nadia Hannout.  She described the grassroots, civic participation in organizing the Muslim Brotherhood in part one of her essay.  Last week, we reviewed how a political campaign in the US shares similar moments and obstacles during candidate elections in countries, like Tunisia.  This week, we will continue with part two of Hannout’s discussion. 

 

THE EVOLUTION OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD

By: Nadia Hannout

 

As previously mentioned, members of the Muslim Brotherhood made up the majority of the five most politically active associations, and Islamist members accounted for more than fifty percent of the total. (Fahmy, p. 553.) Although Islamist activists did not hold political power, they had other appealing traits that attracted supporters.  The Brotherhood was competent, efficient, and turned its ideas into realities, all appealing characteristics. The positions obtained by what is referred to as the Islamic Trend allowed it to forge a relationship between those on the fringe, and the Brothers in these new positions. (Carrie Rosefsky Wickham, Mobilizing Islam: Religion, Activism, and Political Change in Egypt, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 190.)
The “Islamic Trend” made sure to remain active by going out into the fields of its associations and addressing the concerns of the people.  Prior to the Islamic Trend’s presence, “ the association leaders sat in their offices and expected the doctors to come to them.  This was a mistake.  We [the Islamic Trend] go to the doctors, go down to the work place, the hospitals, and clinics, to ask doctors about their problems and complaints.” (Wickham, p. 190.) By increasing their outreach, the Muslim Brothers were aware of the immediate concerns of the masses.  The professional associations were also important because of the youth it attracted.  During this time, there was a dramatic increase in membership due to the increase of university graduates, and “the most important outlet for postgraduate activism was the professional associations.” (Wickham, p. 190.) These associations became important sites where the Brotherhood could attract young professionals who related to its visions.

At the same time, the Islamic leadership  surfaced in these associations.  The leadership implemented reforms that led to an increase in their efficiency by emphasizing equality amongst its members and instituting new projects aimed at aiding the recent graduates that comprised much of the new membership. (Wickham, p. 191) By putting its ideas into practice in the professional associations as it did with its social welfare activities, the Brotherhood increased its appeal as an efficient organization working towards the improvement of Egyptian society.

Meanwhile, the Brotherhood was always restricted from the political sphere, however throughout the years, its members were successful in attaining positions within the Egyptian parliament through different methods.  In 1977, General Guide, Al-Tilmissany decided to enter the Brotherhood into parliamentary elections in alliance with the Wafd opposition party. ( Mona El-Ghobasy, “The Metamorphosis of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers,” Cambridge University Press, 37, no. 3 (2005): 378, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3880106.)  The alliance was created in order to over come a number of newly implemented laws intended to hinder the possibility of opposition parties gaining a significant amount of representation.  This partnership won the Wafd-Ikhwan’s fifty-eight of the 448 seats, eight going to the Muslim Brothers. (El-Ghobashy, p. 378.)  During the 1987 elections, the Muslim Brotherhood changed its tactics and aligned themselves with a weaker partner, the Labor Party, and despite government attempts to further restrict the Society’s progression, it was able to attain thirty-six seats, which when combined with those earned by the Labor Party totaled fifty-six seats for the “Islamist Alliance.” (El-Ghobashy, 379.)  The growing oppositional presence in parliament led to greater means of oppression from the government, and the 1987 parliament was dissolved, causing the Brother’s to boycott the 1990 elections, albeit a continuing domination of the professional associations. (El-Ghobashy, p. 381.)  However, the most visible interference in internal union affairs since Sadat’s dissolution of the bar association’s board in 1981 was the creation of the Law for the Guarantees of Democracy in Professional Associations. (El-Ghobashy, p. 384.)  It required a fifty percent quorum for union elections, and was a direct result of the Brotherhood’s domination in parliament and the organization’s ability to prove its competency above the government by providing relief and financial aid to the victims of the devastating earthquake that hit Cairo in 1992. (El-Ghobashy, p. 382.)

The obstacles to the Brotherhood’s political participation continued to increase, and it was the most evident during Mubarak’s rule.  “In January 1995, at the very beginning of the parliamentary election year, eighty-two of the Ikhwan’s leading middle-aged activists convening the Muslim Brothers’ Shura Council were rounded up and detained in the first round of a sweeping crack-down unseen since the 1950s.” (El-Ghobashy, p. 384.)  A series of setbacks and successes such as these continued.   In 2011, the State intervened to such an extent that the Muslim Brotherhood failed to attain any seats in the first round of the November 28, 2010 parliamentary elections, clearly due to physical government intervention at the poll sites and fraud.  Yet the results of the 2011 parliamentary elections, the previous election of Brotherhood members and the subsequent government reactions reflect the organization’s achievements in the professional syndicates, and its exceptional mobilizing abilities.  Furthermore, it is interesting to note that despite the regime’s intent to suppress the Brotherhood’s political activity, it allowed them to represent the opposition in the professional associations as an alternative to allowing them access to the political sphere where they would be directly vying for the regime’s power.
This all changed following Mubarak’s resignation.  For the first time since its establishment, the Muslim Brotherhood was free to enter the political arena without state intervention.  It formed a political party and won about forty-seven percent of the seats in the first Parliament elected since the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. This would not have been so if it were not for the historical role the Brotherhood played in Egypt’s civil society.  In an interview with Shadi Hamid, director of research at the Brookings Doha Center, he pointed out the fact that the [Muslim Brotherhood] “really is a grassroots organization, and the Brotherhood at its peak in the 1940s had—some estimates say—around 1 million people, and the Egyptian population at that point was about 20 million.  So we’re talking about a group that really had a big part of Egyptian society on its side, being part of what they were trying to do, so that’s incredible when you think about it.”   Click here for full interview.  The Brotherhood’s mobilization on the grassroots level is the reason for its extensive support network, and once it was free to form a political party, its support was evidenced by its landslide victory.  Those who saw the organization’s efforts and accomplishments throughout the years clearly believed that given the opportunity, the Brotherhood would be able to positively influence the post-revolution society by being a part of the future government.

Conclusion

Islamist movements are not new phenomena, and the organizations appeal to its followers for a variety of reasons.  The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt was aware of the issues that a majority of the population felt needed to be addressed, and actively sought to bring about those changes.  Although the movement is driven by its desire to bring about an Islamic society in Egypt, its popularity and support was not solely achieved because of its ideology.  Rather, it was its ability to make changes on the ground, where the people saw how the Brotherhood turned its ideology into realities that immediately affected their lives.  This was witnessed by the Brotherhood’s civil society activity, specifically through its social welfare work and its presence in the professional syndicates.  Its welfare programs aided many who were disillusioned by, and not able to rely on the State, and the Brotherhood’s ability to deliver on its promises created a relationship with its supporters that transferred into political support when the organization launched its political party.
Prior to the Brotherhoods direct involvement in Egyptian politics, its presence in the professional associations prepped the organization because of the indirect relationship between the associations and the State.  In this area, the Brotherhood was again successful in demonstrating its intent to bring about positive reforms for society by its increased outreach, and programs aimed at increasing the syndicates’ efficacy.  In a country where an authoritarian regime was unconcerned by the problems its people faced, the Muslim Brotherhood stepped in and focused its efforts on providing the people with what the State could not.  By doing so for decades, it established itself as an organization that many viewed as an alternative to the fallible state institutions, and it is because of the Brotherhood’s historical involvement in civil society that it is now such a popular political entity in Egypt’s post-revolutionary society.

Note:  Nadia Hannout is a graduate of George Washington University!  Nadia coordinates PITAPOLICY’s social media platforms: Tumblr, Facebook, and Twitter. She also engages with those who comment and wish to submit their contributions for the PITAPOLICY blog.  Nadia’s previous experience includes interning with the League of Arab States’ DC Mission

 


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June 10, 2012

#MENASOCENT: Join DC’s First MENA Tweetup

Greetings Pita-consumers!

For those of you in the Washington, DC area, we would like to announce the first MENA Tweetup in the DC area on Thursday, June 28th. The Arab American Institute (AAI) has graciously offered to co-host this event with PITAPOLICY Consulting.  Omar Baddar, AAI and Jad Bouchebel are co-organizers for #MENAsocent.  Jad Bouchebel, a DC event planner has helped PITAPOLICY and AAI meet its goal to identify and support locally owned Middle Eastern American businesses.  Therefore, on June 28th, we are excited to patron Cafe Paradiso in the Woodley Park neighborhood of DC.

Why Join a Tweetup: Social Capital

The purpose of a tweetup is to connect those who have interacted on Twitter to FINALLY meet face to face!  So for all those times you’ve messaged someone “Let’s talk offline b/c 140 character limit isn’t enough” the offline time will be June 28th at 5:30pm at Cafe Paradiso.  For those of you who interacted with PITAPOLICY, you’ll know that the primary goal of ‘breaking pita-bread’ is to build social capital and re-invest social capital towards ideas.  Social capital means existing professional and community networks have value.  See interview by Mehrunisa Qayyum of Ambassador Hassouna.

The theme of the tweetup is Middle East & North Africa Social Enterprises where Twitter users will chat above who are social entrepreneurs and who are activists for social enterprise’s causes. Twitter users wear badges that include the name of their Twitter handle.  Here are some advantages in attending a Tweetup:

  1. Putting a face with the name personalizes the connection
  2. Networking is so vague and time-consuming, but meeting to chat about a professional or activist passion eliminates the need for elaborate introductions–it already happened online!
  3. MENA region is full of Twitter users, but many come to DC to engage with the non-profit sector
  4. Free attendance, the only cost is participation, which benefits you in the end

If you are not on Twitter yet, you are still welcome to attend and to participate in the #MENAsocent conversation…maybe you’ll start a Twitter account afterwards to keep the conversation going!

Convinced? Read For Details & Share!

The hashtag for the event is #MENAsocent.  A ‘hashtag’ means that the pound sign (#) is placed in front of the word or term so that is easily searchable on Twitter.  In this case, # is placed before MENAsocent because we want all related tweets (Statements or Twitter Status Updates) to be searchable for our participants–or those interested in catching up on the discussion.  Here is the Twitter Invite, which is also available on Facebook.

  • What: MENA Tweetup aka #MENAsocent
  • Who: You (DC social enterprises, MENA activists, MENA biz entrepreneurs, student pita-consumers)
  • When: Thursday, June 28th, 2012 at 5:30 pm to 7:30pm
  • Where:  Paradisio Cafe 2649 Connecticut Ave NW, Washington, DC  http://www.cafeparadisodc.com/
  • Why: Your tweets spark ideas and time to act on them face to face while breaking pita bread

*Sponsored by Arab American Institute (@aaiusa) & PITAPOLICY Consulting (@pitaconsumer)
Hosted by Omar Baddar (@omarbaddar), Mehrunisa Qayyum (@pitapolicy) & Jad Bouchebel (@jadbouchebel)

PITAPOLICY attended its first tweetup in Beirut, Lebanon during the ArabNet Summit.  WAMDAME hosted the social tech exchange.  Since then, the idea has percolated in my our minds because it was a great opportunity to meet the Founder of Tech Crunch, Mike Butcher, and a host of MENA startups.

Here are some Tweetup Tips for those curious about attending their first tweetup and how to maximize the connection opportunity.  These are from Fresh Lime Digital Marketing...source.

  1. Be a good listener: Listening goes a long way when it comes to building relationships. Take time to genuinely listen to what others are saying and they will listen to you.
  2. Transparency is key (@davewoodson): People can generally sniff out a fake very quickly. Be true to yourself and be honest about what you do and who you are.
  3. Be a resource (@Hhosterman): Instead of bragging about past accomplishments, talk about what problems you can help solve.
  4. Build others up (@MichianaTweetUp): If you think outside of the box, expect box cutters. Do your best to build up others by showing genuine interest and offering encouragement and insight.
  5. Wear comfortable shoes: I learned this the hard way.
  6. Smile!: A friendly face is the best introduction.
  7. Be a connector (@stephkrol): Introduce people to others who you know would make a good fit both in the business world or who share common interests. You’ll be amazed how this will come back to benefit you and others.

Pita-consumers, we look forward to breaking bread with you–and tweeting about it!

Sincerely,

PITAPOLICY

 

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June 6, 2012

Electoral Process: 4 Observations from a Local Election

The month of June will focus on Electoral Process, Elections, and Election Politics.  The Arab Awakening has prompted a series of new elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya–as well as the renewed discussion of electoral process in others.  Last year the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia voted on whether or not women may vote in the future.  In other parts of the world, like in PITAPOLICY’s home country, the USA, 2012 elections dominate the headlines as both presidential candidates rally around parties and Congressional elections organize their primaries.  On a whole, lessons learned will be shared as pita-consumers compare and contrast election, voter, and party experiences.

Earlier this week, Nadia Hannout described the grassroots, civic participation in organizing the Muslim Brotherhood in part one of her essay.  Today, we will review how a political campaign in the US shares similar moments and obstacles during candidate elections in countries, like Egypt. 

Electoral Process: New Jersey Congressional Democratic Party Primary

By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

“Walking down the streets of Paterson, it’s clear that New Jersey Arab Americans take pride in participating in the political process. That sense of ownership and responsibility to shape one’s political future is making New Jersey the standard of Arab American engagement in US politics,” described, Omar Tewfik, a volunteer for Bill Pascrell’s Congressional campaign for the 9th District.  Omar Tewfik (@oztewfik), Emily Manna (@emilymanna), Omar Baddar (@omarbaddar), Salim Alchurbaji, Omar Saeed and myself decided to volunteer the last weekend before the June 5th Democratic Primary.  Even though the New Jersey election is completely outside of the geographic scope of Arab transition economies and their elections, the four observations I gathered are completely within the organizational scope of Arab transition economies and their elections.

The Primaries are held for each party: Republican and Democratic.  The winners of those primaries face off in the final election in November.  Typically, since August recess allows Congress and Senate to take a break, the campaigning efforts intensify around Labor Day weekend (early September).

Observation #1: Electoral Process–Tallying Religious Groups 

The electoral process will ultimately track and tally religious groups as candidates become more competitive and elections get tighter.  As the parliamentary elections in Tunisia and Egypt received intense scrutiny, I realized that we tend to focus more on predicting outcomes rather than scrutinizing the steps that serve as the front-end of the electoral process.   When the Muslim Brotherhood and the Al Nahda party won large support, media outside of the actual countries sounded alarms.  The punditry about Islamist politics erupted…again.

Similarly, in the small state of New Jersey, religious undertones also assumed a role in which candidate, Bill Pascrell or Steve Rothman, would win the Democratic primary in New Jersey’s 9th District.  Bill Pascrell received support from many Middle Eastern American and Muslim voters in New Jersey’s Clifton and Patterson neighborhoods because of his commitment to challenge surveillance of mosques.  Steve Rothman appealed to the large Jewish American base in the 9th District.  In the end, Pascrell won the tight race earlier this evening.

Observation #2: Who Is Endorsing Whom in Elections

Before the voter–American, Egyptian, Tunisian, etc– casts the vote, they want to know who is endorsing whom.  American media plays a role in endorsing candidates.  I remember how we enthusiastically touted during our canvassing efforts to Arab American and Turkish American voters that two NJ papers, New Jersey Star Ledger and Bergen Record, endorsed Pascrell to persuade the undecided voters.  For a more robust discussion on the role of Egyptian media in election politics, please see Adel Iskander’s piece for the Huffington Post.

Observation #3:Unions

Electoral politics and economic interests converge with unions.  Where do the unions and labor movements stand?  Independent from the media endorsement and other influential politicians, labor groups play a significant role in gauging which candidate will fare better–especially when the economy is in a bind (like the high unemployment rates in the US, Egypt, and Tunisia.)

Observation #4: Exploiting Groups

Electoral politics succeed in exposing who is exploiting which group and why.  A few months ago, Egyptians raised concerns about campaign methods.  One method, “bumvertising”, was described as exploitative.  In the US, “bumvertising” raised a similar issue regarding the practice of hiring homeless men to advertise for products, services, and people.  Some argue that such methods raise awareness about the homelessness problem.  The same may be said about paying poor Egyptians to wear billboards.  (If anyone has the image depicting this, PITAPOLICY would appreciate the hyperlink!) This is not that different from buying an election vote.

Ironically, both candidates were seasoned politicians who received support by heavy hitters: David Axlelrod from the Obama Administration chimed in for Rothman.  Former President Bill Clinton chimed in for Bill Pascrell.  However, depending on who wins, signals what might be expected for the next round of elections.   But this is where the similarities end.  Look at Egypt.  On June 16th, runoff elections will begin.  Yet, before the final voting, protests call for the removal of certain candidates, like Ahmed Shafiq.

A final note: Pascrell’s win signifies the first time a candidate beat out a “political machine” candidate while receiving  an overwhelming Middle Eastern-American and Muslim-American minority group vote.  Not only did these two groups voice their support and act to vote, they represented an outcomes based event while becoming involved at the input stage of electoral politics.  The Pascrell campaign  organized the first and second generation strata of voters among the most recent immigrant groups prior to election day.  That effort bodes well in the next stage of electoral politics for November…and shows that generational efforts might be needed in countries undergoing transitional economic and political changes.  Electoral politics is not determined by the candidates running; rather the process is about the engagement level of voters and organizing around their political and economic interests.

*****************************************************************

 

 

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June 4, 2012

Focus on Electoral Process & Elections

PITAPOLICY is pleased to announce two items:

#1: The month of June will focus on Electoral Process, Elections, and Election Politics.  The Arab Awakening has prompted a series of new elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya–as well as the renewed discussion of electoral process in others.  Last year the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia voted on whether or not women may vote in the future.  In other parts of the world, like in PITAPOLICY’s home country, the USA, 2012 elections dominate the headlines as both presidential candidates rally around parties and Congressional elections organize their primaries.  On a whole, lessons learned will be shared as pita-consumers compare and contrast election, voter, and party experiences.

#2: PITAPOLICY is joined by its first intern, Nadia Hannout, a graduate of George Washington University!  Nadia will be coordinating PITAPOLICY’s social media platforms: Tumblr, Facebook, and Twitter.  She will also engage with those who comment and wish to submit their contributions for the PITAPOLICY blog.  Nadia’s previous experience includes interning with the League of Arab States’ DC Mission–so we are excited to showcase her first submission to kick-off June’s theme: Electoral Process & Elections.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD

By: Nadia Hannout

The Muslim Brotherhood is an Islamist organization that has been active in Egypt since the early 20th century. It came into conflict with every regime in power due to the ideological threat it posed to them, although its original motives were not political.  Contrary to government owned media, The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) is primarily a civil society organization.  However it became increasingly political throughout the years despite the obstacles posed by each regime that intended to restrict its political activity.
Following the fall of the Mubarak regime in 2011, and the free parliamentary elections, the political wing of the Brotherhood succeeded in attaining a majority of the seats in Parliament, and although they were expected to be a triumphant group, the extent of their electoral success surprised many.

In order to explain this political success, the organization’s historical relationship with civil society must be analyzed, and by doing so, one can see that the Muslim Brotherhood’s involvement on the grassroots level in addition to its activity in the professional associations prepared the organization for its transformation and success as a political entity once it was able to freely engage in the Egyptian political sphere.
There are several reasons that could explain the political success the Muslim Brotherhood has seen–especially during the recent parliamentary elections that occurred after the fall of the Mubarak regime in Egypt.

MB Grassroots Activity
As mentioned earlier, the MB’s operations as a civil society organization is arguably one of the most important characteristics missed in debate.  Revisit this interview of Egypt scholar, Samer Shehata, for a contemporary update of the MB.  Ziyad Munson suggests that in the first half of the 20th century, its strong support and mobilization was the result of the organization’s prescription for the social ailments faced by many in Egyptian society as a result of rapid population expansion, urbanization, and industrialization. (Ziad Munson, “Islamic Mobilization: Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood,” The Sociological Quarterly, 42, no. 4 (2001) p.491)

The Muslim Brotherhood showed an understanding of the problems faced by the majority of the population, and implemented programs to help address the issues.  By doing so it proved its commitment to societal reform and established a reputation for the organization as an alternative to the state-led institutions that were unable to fully meet the needs of the people.  Munson also argues that the way in which the Society tied the Islamic message to its organization and practical social service infrastructure resonated with traditional Egyptian beliefs and therefore solidified the relationship between the movement’s ideology and the everyday lives of Egyptians. (Munson, p.506)  The organization did not directly appeal to the people on an ideological basis, but instead showed through their programs that there was a shared ideology between the MB and those attracted to its provisions.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s focus on social work is not, however, the only way in which the organization’s engagement with civil society led to its political strength, and there are other ways in which the movement capitalized on civil society’s ability to influence Egyptian politics.  Mustafa Al-Sayyid describes the practice of civil society organizations as one that is used “to obtain concessions from the government or to effect societal change in ways consistent with their vision of an ideal social order.”(Al-Sayyid Mustafa, “A Civil Society in Egypt?,” The Middle East Journal, 47, no. 2 (1993): 238.)  Therefore, in many ways, civil society is used by organizations as an attempt to influence political outcomes.

Organizing Influence
Al-Sayyid argues that the [Islamist] movement utilizes its members’ knowledge, organizational skills, financial resources, and access to mosques, newspapers, publishing houses, professional associations, and political parties, as well as the votes of members and sympathizers in order to oppose governmental policies or the state. (Al-Sayyid, p. 239)  And the organization has proved its success in engaging in these aspects of civil society, particularly in the professional associations.

For example, of the twenty-two professional associations in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood took a controlling majority in the doctors, engineers, pharmacists, scientists and lawyers syndicates, which are also the most politically active. (Ninette Fahmy, “The Performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Egyptian Syndicates: An Alternative Formula for Reform?,” Middle East Journal, 52, no. 4 (1998): p.552) As a result of this, several political parties sought alliances with the Brotherhood as evidenced by its alliance with the Wafd Party in 1984, and the Labor-Islamic Alliance whose strength was evident in legislative and local elections that took place in 1987 and 1992. (Al-Sayyid, p. 239.)   Therefore, one can see that the motives of the Muslim Brotherhood’s civil society activity were twofold and targeted the masses to gain popular support while incorporating itself into the aspects of civil society with political influence.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s commitment to improving the social welfare status of the Egyptian population is directly related to the ideals it upholds as an Islamist organization.  Janie Clark points out that, “an essential aspect of Islamist identity is the creation of alternative institutions to those of the state, particularly social welfare ones.”(Janie Clark Islam, Charity & Activism p.14)   The Brotherhood advocated for a society that functioned in accordance with Islamic principles, and the way it disseminated its ideology was by showing the public how they would benefit from the features of an Islamic society.  “Since its establishment in 1928, the constitution of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has stated its purpose as achieving social justice; providing social security to every citizen; contributing to popular service; resisting ignorance, disease, poverty, and vice; and encouraging charity work.”(Clark, p.15)

Moreover, the reason the Brotherhood achieved its credibility and popularity was because they transformed their rhetoric into practice.  “It established numerous private schools, medical services, and charity services- which provided money, food, and clothes for the poor, aged, orphaned and homeless, to name just a few; it also established a bureau of charity and social services that was responsible for these initiatives, and thousands of Egyptians were affected by its services.  One Brotherhood hospital alone treated 51,300 patients in 1947.(Clark, p.15)  The Muslim Brotherhood stepped in and was successful in providing a large number of Egyptians with basic services that were really the responsibility of the state, and by doing so, it succeeded in becoming an alternative to the inefficient state institutions.  Clark adds, “however, these socioeconomic programs were not ends in themselves; ideally they would lead to the creation of a harmonious Islamic society without exploitation or oppression.”(Clark, p.15)
In order to have a “harmonious Islamic society” however, the government would be necessary to enforce religious mores, and it can therefore be argued that the Muslim Brotherhood saw the possibility of political achievements through a bottom-up approach.  That is, by putting its ideology into practice, the Brotherhood hoped to draw its supporters towards the idea of the establishment of an Islamic society, and if the people called for such a transformation, it would also lead to changes within the political system.

The Muslim Brotherhood’s civil society activity was not limited to its social welfare programs, and a surge of its presence also occurred in the professional syndicates during the last couple decades of the 20th century, which demonstrates that the organization used these associations as method of indirectly engaging in the political sphere they were restricted from.

Part 2 of this post will be shared this Sunday, June 10th…

 

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May 29, 2012

Huffington Post: Women in Middle East/North Africa Are Underrepresented in Science and Technology Professions

PITAPOLICY is very excited to contribute to other outlets and learn from others.  On that note, this week’s piece is Mehrunisa Qayyum’s first Huffington Post Blog piece.  Mehrunisa’s Huffington Post Blogger profile is listed here.  Please note that this week’s story on women and technology appeared yesterday on Huffington Post. 

In June, PITAPOLICY will feature posts focusing on electoral politics and showcase a piece by PITAPOLICY’s new intern, Nadia Hannout.  Nadia just completed her BA from George Washington University and will be managing PITAPOLICY Blog’s social media tools.  Tweet your responses to us @Pitaconsumer!

Women in the Middle East/North Africa Are Underrepresented in Science & Technology Professions

Source: Huffington Post

By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

The debate that Mona Eltahawy triggered refocused women’s issues primarily on the socio-cultural dynamic. However, I would like to address the educational/professional side by commenting on how women in the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) are underrepresented in the STEM areas (Science, Technology, Environmental, and Mathematics.) A few months ago I blogged about how, generally, women in the MENA region are educated in the STEM areas, but do not practice their profession representing their educational background. As a result, I received a lot of pushback on Twitter — but without any data to support the counterargument.

Twitter debates might be short statements, but the debates themselves are not short lived. I claimed that women are underrepresented worldwide in the STEM professions. Also, I claimed that women were ‘somewhat represented’ in the MENA region. The rebuttal came from a man in a MENA country arguing that MENA women are studying all fields, especially STEM. By his logic: because they are enrolled in such fields “more than ever” they must be working in these fields. Of course. So I asked him to re-channel his tweeting energy into a formal essay response to post alongside my statement. That did not mean that I agreed with him.

Here is why I disagree: I see MENA women receiving attention for influencing political and social movements, like Manal Al-Sharif and Maryam Durani. But I do not see MENA women receiving attention for influencing the STEM fields. Look at the Time 100 Influencers and note the gender of those that represent STEM fields. I notice two factoids: first, one economist (Elinor Ostrom Christine) plus one technology leader (Virginia Rometty) represented women influencing their fields. Second, none of them are from the MENA region.

Globally, I do not see enough women in the STEM professional fields. The U.S. is not above this underrepresentation challenge either. In the U.S., not enough women are pursuing degrees to address the growth rate potential in STEM fields. There are a couple of reasons to explain this challenge in the U.S., which also might explain MENA’s challenges. The three reasons are: income, retention, and invisible barriers.

The first reason boils down to income, or economic opportunity. One American study shows how women from lower-incomes are not pursuing STEM fields from the outset.

In MENA, look at the opportunities that economic privilege has to offer. Look at the Arab subset of countries. In 2012, an Arab newspaper listed the Top 100 Most Powerful Arab Women includes only four women working in the STEM areas: two in science, and two in technology. Not only is this a small representation, but three live in one of the Persian Gulf countries — where there is more economic opportunity — but the fourth one does not even live in the MENA region. Also, women who can afford higher university select fields across STEM, often migrate.

Why? This brings me to my second reason. Some, like Dr. Nadia al Hasani, argue that the challenge is not rooted in the fundamental debate of women’s rights or fight for equal pay. Her point is outside of Eltehawy’s argument. Specifically: women in STEM professions are underrepresented due to ‘retention’ challenges.

MENA women enter the workforce with their STEM backgrounds but are having difficulty remaining in their positions for a variety of reasons that range from raising children to moving overseas. Like in other countries, MENA women are pausing to raise children and re-entering work life, but they set up small businesses or engage in non STEM related sectors.

When I make the claim that MENA women are ‘somewhat’ represented, I’m not assuming that women are prohibited from studying STEM areas at every level of education. Though this does introduce my third reason: invisible barriers. Whether discriminatory challenges are in play, that perception contributes towards invisible barriers, which relate to Eltahawy’s argument of sociological/psychological barriers.

Let’s look at the technology field to review an example of underrepresented women. I attended the ArabNet summit, which Arab and non-Arab media outlets covered. They focused on the entrepreneur gains for women, but missed how women were not participating in one of the Technology competitions. Yes, women applicants competed in the Ideathon contest, great. A woman led team placed in the top three. This was really great. But the Overnight Developer contest did not have women competing — despite ArabNet’s efforts to reach out to women.

Here is an interesting aside: the women were competing in the more ‘group oriented’ competition where startup teams competed against each other. The first contest was all about individual performance. Th team versus individual participation trend points to some biological and sociological differences between genders.

Noting the gender differences — especially when addressing the underrepresentation phenomena — does not have to be seen as negative difference, according to a study that recognizes these differences: “Addressing today’s causes of underrepresentation requires focusing on education and policy changes that will make institutions responsive to differing biological realities of the sexes.”

So here is my call to action: MENA countries need a public policy platform — this is not just an international development discussion. It’s a local discussion that will be better managed by MENA countries from within. No amount of tweets and heckler responses are going to absolve policymakers in those countries from establishing their own public policy initiatives to ensure that women have the space to use their STEM skills in the workplace.

Ironically, we’re using nonscientific methods to comment on scientific fields. Funtabulous. But that only leads us into a heated twitter exchange. Still, I stand by my earlier statement because we see that women are not represented in the STEM fields professionally — regardless of their enrollment rates in such courses at the university level. This challenging trend applies not only to MENA, but in other regions as well.

Next time, I want to be wrong when the issue of not enough women in MENA represented in STEM fields restarts on Twitter.

Follow Mehrunisa Qayyum on Twitter: www.twitter.com/PITAPOLICY

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May 27, 2012

Media on #MENA: Influence & Freedom

PITAPOLICY is pleased to announce that it will be a regular contributor to the Kabobfest blog.  On that note, please see the discussion of Media and Influence below in the ‘pita-consuming’ region since legal, political, and economic factors influence who influences who, and how.  Another version appeared on the Arab American Institute blog.  Kabobfest includes the entire analysis.

June will feature posts focusing on MENA electoral politics.  Coincidentally, it is also an election year in the US, so PITAPOLICY is excited to announce that it will be joining a group from June 2nd-4th to follow Bill Pascrell’s campaign in New Jersey.  The NJ primary is scheduled for June 5th, which will be a great comparison with the election discussions transpiring with the Arab Awakening.  Feel free to submit your essays on the subject for a June posting!

Influence & Freedom

By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

“None of the MENA countries rank in the top 50,” according to the Reporters Without Border 2011-2012 ‘Press Freedom Index’.

This trend alone, calls for a conversation between media, civil society and emerging citizen journalists. For those who are wary of outside non-MENA based organizations judging MENA countries, I have an indigenous source too.  Here’s the sobering factoid: the Amman-based Center for Defending the Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ) conducted its survey on press freedom and found that only 2 percent of the 500 or so journalists said that they were entirely satisfied with the state of press freedom in the kingdom. Click here to continue…

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May 26, 2012

Media on MENA: Influence & Freedom in the Pita-consuming Region

PITAPOLICY is pleased to announce that it will be a regular contributor to the Kabobfest blog.  On that note, please see the discussion of Media and Influence below in the ‘pita-consuming’ region since legal, political, and economic factors influence who influences who, and how.  Another version appeared on the Arab American Institute blog.  Kabobfest includes the entire analysis.

June will feature posts focusing on MENA electoral politics.  Coincidentally, it is also an election year in the US, so PITAPOLICY is excited to announce that it will be joining a group from June 2nd-4th to follow Bill Pascrell’s campaign in New Jersey.  The NJ primary is scheduled for June 5th, which will be a great comparison with the election discussions transpiring with the Arab Awakening.  Feel free to submit your essays on the subject for a June posting!

Influence & Freedom

By: Mehrunisa Qayyum

“None of the MENA countries rank in the top 50,” according to the Reporters Without Border 2011-2012 ‘Press Freedom Index’.

This trend alone, calls for a conversation between media, civil society and emerging citizen journalists. For those who are wary of outside non-MENA based organizations judging MENA countries, I have an indigenous source too.  Here’s the sobering factoid: the Amman-based Center for Defending the Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ) conducted its survey on press freedom and found that only 2 percent of the 500 or so journalist said that they were entirely satisfied with the state of press freedom in the kingdom. Click here to continue…

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Filed under Analysis, Interests, Politics