May 23, 2012

From the Desk of Dr. Zogby: Egypt’s Elections

Egypt’s Election: “We’ve Never Here Been Before”

By: Jim Zogby (Originally posted by Arab American Institute on Monday May 21, 2012)

This Egyptian presidential election has all the earmarks of being a “we’ve never been here before” event.

Never before have we seen such a competitive contest in Egypt or, for that matter, in any Arab country. And never before have we had a presidential contest, anywhere in the world that I can recall, where we have no idea what the winner will actually win when the election is over.

At this point, the polls are too close and no clear front-runner has emerged. Anyone can still emerge victorious. This is the third major vote in Egypt in the past year. The two earlier rounds were notable for the surprises they brought. First, there was the referendum to ratify the constitutional changes put forward by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). Back then, the once very popular, Mohamed El Baradei, and the always popular former Foreign Minister and Arab League Secretary General, Amr Moussa, and the youthful leaders of the Tahrir Square revolt—all campaigned for a “no” vote. Just a few days before the vote, these forces were predicting victory. Meanwhile, the alliance of the SCAF and the Muslim Brotherhood appeared to be working in tandem in support of the referendum. Their combined organizational strength proved decisive and carried the day, winning by a huge margin of more than 3 to 1.

The surprise that occurred in the many rounds of the parliamentary elections was the consistent strength demonstrated by the Salafi movement. It had been expected that the Muslim Brotherhood would win handily. And they did. But what caught most observers off guard was the broad support given to Salafi candidates resulting in their party winning almost one-quarter of the seats in the new parliament.

While one might assume that these contests lay the predicate for this presidential election and can be used to project the outcome, it appears they may not provide a useful guide to the expected result for two reasons: Egyptians appear to view the presidency differently than they do the legislature; and competition among the Islamic parties and a general concern of a Muslim Brotherhood “over-reach” is producing an alliance of “strange bedfellows” which may affect voter behavior.

These factors combined have resulted in a Salafi/liberal alliance supporting the candidacy of a moderate former Muslim Brotherhood leader, Abdul Moneim Aboul Fatouh who has since been denounced by the Brotherhood.  The Brotherhood’s own candidate has so far fared poorly in the polls, since even some in his own party are concerned lest their group be seen as wanting too much power too soon. Secularists and liberals have at least three candidates in the running. Far and away the leader of this group appears to be the charismatic Amr Moussa. Also scoring fairly well in various polls are former Prime Minister-for-a-month Ahmad Shafiq and leader of the Kefaya movement, Hamdeen Sabahi.

As I noted, the polling on this contest has been inconsistent—and for good reason. Because we’ve never seen a competitive presidential contest of this type in Egypt, we do not know how to predict the turnout, the voter intensity, or each party’s or candidate’s organizational strength. And so regardless of what the polls may be saying, I would never count out the capacity of the Brotherhood or the SCAF to play a major role on election day.

As big as the question of who the winner will be, click here to continue…

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May 20, 2012

How to “Awesomize” B2B: Tech Entrepreneur Elias Shams

How to “Awesomize” Business to Business: Interview with Tech Startup Founder, Elias Shams (Iranian American & Pita-consumer)

“Sweetie, you’re on a long learning curve,” explained the gentleman behind the DC Consumer & Regulatory Affairs corporations counter.  Usually, the woman in me would snap at the so-called term of endearment.  But the PITAPOLICY in me realized that I had  stood in line holding the fifth form to ensure PITAPOLICY Consulting’s small business future, and it might just be better to laugh and reflect.   Awesome is when the bureaucracy finishes and the creativity begins.  Awesome is not reading the DCRA checklist. Awesome is also when another small business finally gets a chance to connect with another business beyond Facebook, LinkedIn, or Twitter–which is not on the DCRA or Small Business Administration checklist.  Awesomize.me is not a personal self-esteem boost; the site links businesses to businesses like the 21st Century White Pages that actually pings your business back.

Setting up the legal structure, even for a virtual business, is a pain in the neck–even in the United States.  I had to stop myself from thinking that I am the only small business going through challenges.   Compared to the Middle East & North Africa (MENA) region, it takes an average of 20 days, 8 procedures, and 35 percent of personal income to start a business in the MENA region, according to the Doing Business report by the International Finance Corporation.  PITAPOLICY needed to stop complaining…even though it’s been TWO weeks, 5 forms, and no interaction with other businesses through organized listings to manage business to business connections.

Since I had just interviewed a dozen tech start-ups in Lebanon from around the pita-consuming region, I realized that I did not need to speak the tech lingo to appreciate the learning curve challenge of small businesses in other industries.  (If you’re a tech entrepreneur, or thinking of a start-up, please share your challenges on this survey!)

“Awesomizing”: Investing in Yourself, then Your Business

Awesomizing involves your professional peers to rate you and your business.  (PITAPOLICY would love DCRA to register account just to see how its peers would rate them–wait, won’t happen because they don’t care like business and social entrepreneurs do.)  Big businesses, like the Huffington Post, have already registered on Awesomize.me.  For kicks and giggles, PITAPOLICY Consulting walked through the exercise to create a page.  Here’s what PITAPOLICY learned:

  1. Unlike Facebook, awesomize.me allows PITAPOLICY Consulting to list  company products/services and specifically indicate industry focus.
  2. PITAPOLICY listed all of its other existing social media accounts and looks forward to enlisting its blogs.
  3. There is a question page that is integrated into a company’s existing social media channels into each page, which will facilitate more business to business connections.

Once registered, a business may expect to receive analytics, like Social Bakers, which provides feedback for businesses looking to gather market intelligence through social media.  However, there is an additional benefit by “awesomizing”–or registering on Awesomize.me.  “A business is able to leverage the power of objective ratings by existing clients to acquire new ones,” according to Shams.

The learning curve for small businesses owners involves many starts and stops.  Elias Shams, CEO and Founder of Awesomize.me, has founded other start-ups in his twenty some years in the technology industry.  Shams holds a Masters in Telecommunication Engineering from George Washington University, and Bachelors in Electrical Engineering from the University of Maryland.  After Shams co-founded Telezoo.com, he realized that “Business to Business” connection was a niche that current social networking sites have not addressed.  Although Facebook is widely used, it is not about the number of users.

According to Shams, one of the biggest challenges for any sized business, is to convert viewing audiences from passivity to activity.  What Shams describes as “capturing the lead” requires more than pushing content out–or advertising on Facebook. Businesses are constantly thinking about “positioning” against its competitors and “messaging” to both complementary businesses and consumers.

What Can Non-profits Learn from Awesomize Example?

When PITAPOLICY considers the challenge of “capturing the lead”, the learning curve for the business entrepreneur mirrors the position of a small non-profit too.  This business to business challenge does not sound that different from the challenge non-profit organizations experience when creating a page on Facebook hoping to win over more advocates, and thereby, financial support.

Non-profits expend many resources by hiring staff to manage social media pages and accounts.  What is the return on investment, ROI, in each case?  As a result, they end up having to hire the services of another group to track the hits and analyze the connections to improve their positioning and messaging, again.  What amount of time investment does this actually lead to actual passive “Likes” on Facebook to actualizing their calls to action?  What amount of renewed energy and money are gained for the non-profit in the social media engagement game when most models do not calculate and incorporate the B2B mindset? That’s another post.  But in the meantime, explore how your business or non-profit venture may better capitalize on a new social media platform.  As Elias told PITAPOLICY “Awesomize yourself.”

 Follow Elias Shams on Twitter @eliasshams for more Awesomizing and Tech Start-up tales. Please take this 10-15 minute survey to share your technology entrepreneur challenges.  The data will be used for a future piece!

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May 16, 2012

Breaking Pita-Bread: Virtual Dinner Project

This week’s pita-consumer & PITAPOLICY Contributor, Eric Maddox, is the Founder and Director of the Virtual Dinner Project.  Next month, Eric will share part II!

Virtually Speaking; Really Eating. Part I of II

By: Eric Maddox

Look in your fridge or pantry and you will find definitive endpoints of international commerce, our shelves and iceboxes revealing a veritable UN assembly of products and international partnerships.

At this moment the economic and political destinies of the world’s citizens are more interconnected than ever before. We work collectively to sate all manner of appetites, yet our intellectual and emotional connections to one another have failed to keep pace. What price are we paying for these disparities? What are the political, social and moral costs?

Still in its first year, The Virtual Dinner Guest Project is an international multimedia initiative born from a simple premise: It is harder to ignore, vilify, or harm those with whom we have ‘broken bread’ as PITAPOLICY also believes.

Photo by: David Forlano

The nuts and bolts of the project are straightforward. Imagine engaging in a videoconference call from your dinner table while you and members of your community share a meal.  The only difference: you and your community members are participating in a moderated discussion with people in another country. There is some strategy involved in the selection process, as countries with whom the US has less than amicable relations are actively sought out. Countries that suffer from an overly facile media profile are also a point of focus.

The dinner table represents the world’s oldest and most universal social forum. The Virtual Dinner Guest project draws upon this notion and then extends the concept of the shared dining experience across borders and cultural divisions. Imagine dinner tables extending into the living room of a family in Cairo, the Yale University cafeteria or a rooftop Café in Tunis.

Over the past 10 months The Virtual Dinner Guest Project has actualized all of the above scenarios.

The project first launched from the US with a series of Virtual Dinners that connected Americans to participants in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, Kampala, Uganda and Karachi, Pakistan. Still in it’s start-up phase, the project ultimately intends to function as a platform for collaborative social entrepreneurship as well as a forum for international discourse.

Since February of this year, the project has established itself in the MENA region, connecting from a growing list of cities that include Beirut, Cairo, and Tunis, back to the US with students at Yale, the University of New Mexico, Northwestern and other academic institutions. The inspiration for the new geographical base is strategic, to reach out to American students, community leaders and engaged citizens and create critical points of contact with communities across the MENA region during a time of political transition in both contexts.
As the school year comes to a close, the project has begun to connect its MENA partners with its other participants in the international community, recently facilitating Virtual Dinners between youth in Tunis and Cairo, and more recently between Tunis and Buenos Aires. Australia, Pakistan, Cambodia, Lebanon and civil society organizations in the US represent a few of the potential points of contact for the MENA region during the upcoming summer in the northern hemisphere.
The Virtual Dinner Guest Project represents an opportunity for citizens to be out in front of their governments, to manifest a culture of open discourse that might be emulated by their leadership. What would happen if US citizens were able to engage in a bit of dinner table diplomacy with counterparts in Iran, a country with whom the US has not had diplomatic relations for over three decades? How might the media coverage of these events create a bit of positive pressure for more open engagement along the diplomatic first-track? How might events such as these encourage a shift in the global media culture, if it becomes apparent that viewers and readers have become more connected with the street level perspective than the traditional purveyors of information? If social media can be used to foment revolution, how might we use it to nourish notions of peace, justice and open dialogue amongst nations?
Still not convinced, I invite you to visit these Links to Articles and Video Content:

 

Note: When not running the Virtual Dinner Project, Eric lives in Santa Fe, NM when he’s back in the States. He completed his undergrad in Philosophy and his graduate studies in International Conflict Resolution. Maddox finished his grad research (and first documentary film) in Israel and Palestine while living in Dheisheh refugee camp in 2007-2008. He is also working on another doc film on the US-Mexico Border. Contact him: Info@virtualdinnerguest.com

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May 13, 2012

Mother’s Day: Nine Month Return on Investment=Immeasurable.

Dear Mothers of PITA-Consumers,

Thank you for serving as THE MOST influential socio-political-economic factor in each of our lives.  Regardless of shortcomings related by The World Economic Forum, which  compiles the Global Gender Gap Index, and The United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals, which track the Gender Parity Index, nothing can track the true impact of motherhood on each of our individual human development.  In some cases, mothers impact our professional development. No matter what indices we use, the nine-month return on investment is immeasurable. 

I first learned about the concept and depth of ‘Human Development‘ from a young, caring physician–who just happened to be a mom.  The Human Development Index triggered a series of mother-daughter lessons about “What does it mean for well-being of a person and for the larger society?”  Is there a way to get past the cultural-relativism that often dismisses the universal needs for all human beings–regardless of cultural barriers?  

The experiences shared by this woman, and the effort to show this particular “pita-consumer” at a young age what villages and other societies undergo to raise their young into productive citizens will never be forgotten.  PITAPOLICY will continuously explore the linkages between infant mortality rates  to mothers’ care to adult productivity.  Moreover, I will try my best to remember how privileged and blessed I have been to have received so much education, time, dedication and love from one of her best “investors”. 

Mentors have come and gone in my life.  They have enriched me with their “social capital”.    Yet, my mom continues to remind me that I’m more than an aggregate measure of health, education, and current standard of living.   In the eyes of social justice and government responsibility: My well-being is no more important than the well-being of a “munchkin” in Ethiopia, Mexico, Afghanistan, or Egypt–wherever.    That’s why we have mothers: to ensure that our well-being receives an “extra boost” through our moms because governments and society do not have the resources to recognize us as individuals.

The article below will highlight one measure of how society tracks the appreciation for motherhood.  Middle East & North African (MENA) countries (PITA-consuming countries) did not make it into the examples because of their governmental policies’ lackluster support for maternity leave and other supportive measures.  Thankfully, the people within PITA-consuming countries are defined by other aspects of societal norms and cultural practices. By no means does PITAPOLICY give a free pass to MENA governments’ absent recognition for motherhood in the workplace.  PITAPOLICY PITA-consumers: please join PITAPOLIYC and demand that Mothers Day acknowledge the three-dimensional role that mothers lead in the most basic unit of measurement: households.   And hug your mom.  Again.

Sincerely Yours,

PITAPOLICY & Its Contributors

Countries That Love Their Moms More Than America Does

Source: Foreign Policy Magazine by Joshua E. Keating

Save the Children has released its annual State of the World’s Mothers report and once again it’s not a particularly impressive showing for the world’s wealthiest country. The United States comes in 25th place, just behind the dictatorship of Belarus, thanks to alarming rates of pregnancy-related deaths and the low number of children enrolled in preschools.

Here’s a look at how moms in some of the top 24 live.

NORWAY

Save the Children ranking: 1

Norway — a perennial chart-topper on global well-being lists — is extraordinarily generous to new parents. After the birth of a child, both parents are entitled to two weeks of paid leave. After that, they have the option of either another 46 weeks off at full pay or 56 weeks at 80 percent of normal wages — to be divided between the parents. To make sure that dad pitches in, the government requires that at least 10 of the weeks be taken by the father. Before the law was passed, only 3 percent of Norwegian fathers took any paternity leave. Now, 90 percent take at least 12 weeks, and it’s not unusual for even government ministers to take several months off to help during a child’s first year.

The government even gives a special grant to families who choose to have one parent stay home with a child until age two. Should they choose to go back to work, a 37.5-hour workweek and five weeks of guaranteed vacation take a bit of the pressure out of being a working mom. Norway’s fertility rates have diminished somewhat in recent years but are still among the highest in Europe.

ICELAND

Save the Children ranking: 2

The second-best country for mothers is similarly generous when it comes to maternity leave. Both parents have the right to three months of paid leave after the birth or adoption of a child, plus an additional three months to be divided between the parents. Unemployed parents can qualify for special welfare payments as well. Icelandic mothers are also entitled to free prenatal care, including 10 doctor’s visits, ultrasounds, care from midwives or doctors, and home visits from nurses after the birth. The government also provides quarterly child benefits based on family size.

Because of these policies, Iceland has pulled off the feat of having both the highest rate of women’s participation in the workforce — 82.6 percent — and one of Europe’s highest fertility rates. The World Economic Forum has consistently ranked Iceland as the world’s top country for gender equality. Under Prime Minister Johanna Sigurdardottir, half the country’s legislature and four of its 10 cabinet members are women.

The only downside to being a mom in Iceland? You have to choose your child’s name from a government-approved list. Hope you like Haldor and Kaja.

Continued here…

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May 9, 2012

US Deputy Secretary of State, Thomas Niddes Addresses @Mecaccexports: Trade Not Aid

PITAPOLICY covered the developing smile by raising a glass of Coca-Cola to her mouth.  “If a camel gets his nose in a tent, his body will follow,” opened US Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources, Thomas R. Nides.   He described his hopes for American business in the Gulf country region (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait) and named Arab countries in transition as well.  If the camel’s nose is American business, then is the camel’s body more American business?

Washington, DC~The US Chamber of Commerce hosted the Middle East Council of American Chambers of Commerce.  The event followed the Bahrain’s Ambassador to the US, H.E., Houda Nonoo’s reception, which offered a few business cases for expatriates to continued expanding business in Bahrain–despite the political unrest.  According to H.E. Ms. Nonoo, Bahrain has “demonstrated its commitment to change” as the region is “rising to speak truth to power”.   She also explained that the unrest in Bahrain was due to the demand for better job opportunities that was hijacked by a political opposition exploiting this need.  (How has Coca-Cola responded to the need for employment opportunities? )

She noted both Kraft’s and Coca-Cola’s growing economic presence in the region.  PITAPOLICY noted Coca-Cola plans on spending an estimated $200 million in expansion projects in MENA.

The theme of the first evening was strengthening “institution building”; theme of the second evening was “good diplomacy is good economics; good economics is good diplomacy”.  At first glance, the themes appear unrelated.  Also, PITAPOLICY is trying to reconcile the institution theme with the recent media institutional fiasco last week.

On Tuesday evening, the US Deputy Secretary of State, Thomas Niddes expounded on 3 points:

  1. Good Diplomacy is good economics, and vice versa.
  2. Trade NOT Aid – Trade & Investment must supplement since development assistance, alone, cannot lead to private sector growth.
  3. Championing American Business – American business needs to be able to work in an economy that is better than just “who you know” to get things done.

Similar FTAs, like the one in place between the US and Bahrain, are also helpful–but require a few improvements.  In vein with previous American economic stated interests: the US wants to see strengthened rule of law, protection of intellectual property, and improved customs regime.   Specifically, Niddes added, the decision to engage with Egypt and Iraq is economic, not out of charity.  Ironically, Niddes reminded everyone in the audience (including the Bahraini officials present) that democratic reforms can deliver economic results.

Event sponsors included Exxon Mobil and Emirates Airlines.  Congressman Mick Mulvaney, (R-SC, 5th District) provided encouragement to American businessmen visiting from Pennsylvania, North Carolina (RTI International) and New York to continue working with their Chambers of Commerce.  In particular, he highlighted how his office received over 100 constituent queries to expedite export opportunities to the Middle East & North Africa region (MENA) after he supported a forum in his home district.  As a junior Congressman, Mulvaney serves on the House Budget Committee and the Joint House/Senate Economic Committee.

Based on Deputy Secretary Niddes referenced proverb, the Bahrain officials at the first table hope that other American businesses will follow.  However, seeing that both events attract more than just businessmen, and the first of his three points, maybe the camel’s body is not just other American businesses.

 

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May 6, 2012

Consumer Choice: Exercise in Local Empowerment

Proponents of globalization argue that a globalized economy provides consumers with more choice–both economically (with more goods and services to choose from) and politically.  Economically on a local level because businesses must compete to provide better service and quality of goods.  Yes, this poses challenges, which anti-globalists vehemently use to argue that globalization hurts small-businessmen and mom & pop shops.  Furthermore, as seen in China and India, one can see how globalization adversely affects the very poor. 

In this vein, other groups add to the discontent by providing evidence that goods lose their unique characteristics and flavor, thereby diminishing local culture. 

How does globalization provide consumers with more choice politically?  Read below on Kalush’s commentary that reflects on leveraging the power of boycotts to express political discontent through consumer choice. Kalush recognizes that a McDonald’s franchise in Libya does not necessarily translate as international development gone right.

PITAPOLICY is conflicted since both sides offer compelling arguments. Please read below for one viewpoint, and feel free to ping us with an argument against foreign franchises opening up in Libya, and beyond… pitapolicy [at] gmail [dot] com.

Fast Food Nation? Foreign Franchises in Libya

By:

Source: Kifah Libya

The fast-food void often noted by both diaspora Libyans and locals will soon be filled; several international chains, including Burger Fuel, are rumored to set up shop across Libya in the near future. The introduction of Dunkin’ Donuts, Johnny Rockets, and the like is certain to provide a recluse for homesick vacationers, but what else does this new market signify for Libya?

Though the primary concern of food chains in the Euro-American world tends to center on their unhealthy nature, the socio-economic affects of these restaurants are poised to be their most significant attribute (After all, high-fat and processed-grains already constitute a significant portion of the typical Libyan diet. The high rate of diabetes and cholesterol is a testament to the ubiquitous presence of fried, white flour foods: Isfins, iftat, and fatira are just a delicious few.)

Thus, the pointed questions posed by imperial alarmists (and some diaspora Libyan purists) should be examined first; Will Pizza House be replaced by joints with billion dollar (Western) corporations subsidizing up their success? Will McDonalds and Taco Bell dilute local cuisine at best, and encourage the (foreign) social dynamics that make them so successful in the West?  Along with clothing brands and the slew of other western companies rushing to stake claim in Libya, aren’t these developments evidence of a neo-liberal agenda that will ultimately and permanently subvert Libyans into consumers of Western products?

The colonial coloring of all-things related to Libyan-Western interaction are indeed as dramatized as they appear. To quell these admittedly intuitive fears, we can examine the impact of fast food chains on other non-Western nations, while considering Libya’s unique cultural and economic context as well.

It is true that fast food developed alongside Euro-America’s social and economic situation. Fast-food expanded to meet the demands of a fast-paced, work-centric society. But though the most popular of these chains were born in the industrialized West,  they have evolved far beyond the conditions which fostered their success. Chains ‘localize’ to the societies they service – we’ve all seen the compilations of chickpea patties in India and perhaps lusted over the McArabias available across the Middle East. Lonely Planet’s infographic illustrates that even the king of fast food – McDonald’s – adapts to local cultural and economic norms.  Rather than subversively creating a particular kind of consumer,  they satisfy demands in the pre-existing market. The contentious notion of corporate altruism is irrelevant to this strategy – the latter policy is simply a much easier and cheaper than inducing socio-economic revolution.

And how likely is – quite literally – a cheap imitation of local cuisine to eradicate local food joints? Not very. First, it’s important to consider that inexpensive, convenient food is already available in Libya. It’s tasty, and incredibly cheap. So cheap that the likelihood of foreign chains undercutting local prices is very near impossible. Secondly, we can conceive chains as an option alongside local food rather than an alternative. Throughout Asia, McDonald’s offers American-style burgers alongside Asian-inspired cuisine.  But seaweed fries and grilled riceballs don’t render inexpensive, ‘authentic’ chinese cuisine comparatively inedible. One article explains the functions of Chinese McDonald’s as similar that of Chinese restaurants in the United States – that is, an “ethnic” food alongside a diverse set of options. McDonald’s doesn’t reign king just because it’s McDonald’s and non-Westerners  trip over themselves to emulate every aspect of Western society  – In much the same way that locals enjoy both their own and foreign cinemas (and often, prefer their own), the fast-food enterprise is not a zero-sum game.  International chains simply service at the consumer’s preference. And the choice of a Big Mac over an eggs-hareesa-with-fries-in-the-center burger reflects no deeper phenomena than single diner’s choice at a particular moment in time.

A blogger in Egypt documented his own experiences with a McDonalds, which countered the notion of chains’ inherently competitive or monopolizing existence. He does ascribe McDonald’s a unique, slightly elevated position in Egyptian society because of its indulgent prices relative to Egyptian street food, and because their clean, large facilities appeal to poorer consumers celebrating special occasions. These characteristics render Egypt’s McDonalds’ an arena for consumption that differs from street-cart food or restaurant-grade cuisine, without unfairly eclipsing their value or appeal. Again, the diversity in options benefits, rather than limits, the consumer.

It is true that international chains are a mark of a globalized economy. But the  greater presence of Libyans on the international world marked does not necessarily render them victims of a static economic structure; in fact, an international Libyan consumer is an empowered consumer.  Citizens  of the global economy have the ability to boycott international goods, and to effectively voice their opposition to corporate. The Israeli and Swiss boycotts are probably the most well known from the region. But Middle Easterners also boycotted Western fast-foods and junk foods after the 2003 Iraq invasion. The boycotts actually spurred local entrepreneurship, including ‘Hero Chips‘ in Palestine and Mecca Cola in Tunisia.  Libyans can now participate in similar global discourse, or amplify their own voices, by easily directing and redirecting their purchases.

This is not to say that the arrival of fast food chains is an essential mark of Libya’s “development” or “modernization.” The presence or absence of these chains is only a function of the newly autonomous desires of Libyan citizens; chains are introduced with the partnership of Libyan businessmen and will be consumed by Libyans faced with the choices presented in a dynamic, internationalized market. Their success and their failure depends on the will of Libyan citizens, the calculations of Libyan businessmen, and the quality of customer service provided by its Libyan workers. This agency is the factor often missing from dreary neocolonial prophecies; the inability to conceive Libyans as more than unconscious recipients of external influence – even when that influence is a merely deep-fried goodness – represents the downfall of these theories. Will fast food chains introduce more labor rights abuses and problematic GMO food practices? Potentially.  Do chain investments bring with them the same elitist barrier to entrepreneurship/business development that existed in the pre-Gaddafi era? Maybe. But these issues cannot be considered from a Euro-American centric perspective – cognizant Libyan citizens will constitute the determinative factor in the success, failure, and related after-affects of this global industry.

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May 2, 2012

Cherif Bassiouni: Accountability, Legally Speaking…

PITAPOLICY first met Mr. Cherif Bassiouni, 1999 Nobel Peace Prize Nominee, when he concluded his Human Rights Commission Report on the mass graves in Kosovo.  Therefore, PITAPOLICY is excited to have its first legally oriented topic on the ‘pita-consuming’ region by Guest Contributor: Mohammad Shouman.  Shouman reviews how the concept of accountability influences the steps towards reconciliation and rule of law.

Accountability, Legally Speaking…

Washington, DC~ On Tuesday, April 17th, The Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University hosted the Institute for Middle East Studies 2012 Annual Conference. The theme of the conference was the legal dimensions of the Arab Spring.

I had the opportunity to attend the keynote session presented by Egyptian-American United Nations war-crimes expert, M. Cherif Bassiouni. Among his lengthy list of titles and accomplishments, he is an Emeritus Distinguished Research Professor of Law at DePaul University College of Law, President Emeritus of the International Human Rights Law Institute, and President of the International Institute of Higher Studies in Criminal Sciences in Italy. Bassiouni is currently best known for chairing the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry. On a personal note, I will proudly add that he is an alumnus of The George Washington University Law School.

Bassiouni’s talk revolved around his reflections on the Arab Spring and its impact on the legal order in several Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries. From the outset, Bassiouni expressed his concern that despite the “Arab Spring” label, it is difficult to say at this time whether there has been any radical significance to the removal of heads of state in the MENA region. He elaborated that although Arab states and citizens sincerely seek accountability, he questions how that could be achieved in light of a paradox Arab states suffer: Although each country professes adherence to the rule of law, Arab states tend to suffer from a “symptomatic” and “dysfunctional” relationship between what is intellectually aspired to, and what is actually achieved. Bassiouni attributes this “enormous gap” to the Arab world’s historically ingrained culture that enables the “word” to be predominate any deeds.

As a case in point, Bassiouni points out that during his work with the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, the King of Bahrain expressed surprise that orders he made in Bassiouni’s presence were not followed, insisting that because he made the order, it was a done task. Bassiouni later noted that although Bahrain has a long way to go, it took significant steps to take action relative to other countries in terms of accountability and rule of law.

Bassiouni acknowledged Tunisia’s prosecution of the former head of state, Zine el-Abidine. However, he has been convicted in absentia and is currently in Saudi Arabia, which has no plans to extradite him to Tunisia.

Accounting for Accountability
Bassiouni also spoke about accountability challenges in Libya. He chaired the UN Commission of Inquiry on Libya (the commission’s report can be found here). His personal opinion is that when Muʽammar al-Gadhafi was captured, two Libyan militias were about to fight over having him in their custody. In order to avoid bloodshed, someone deliberately killed him.

Muʽammar’s son, Saif al-Islam—whom Bassiouni visited while in captivity—is also avoiding justice because the Zintan brigade that is holding him will not turn him over to the central government or to the International Criminal Court. Bassiouni speculated that this is because Saif al-Islam has large sums of money in foreign bank accounts, and that he promised the Zintan militia financial rewards in return for not turning him in.

Moreover, the rest of al-Ghadhafi’s family members are currently living in Algeria. The Libyan government did not seek to hold them accountable; it only asked the Algerian government to prevent the family members from engaging in any political activities against the current Libyan government. That is another example that Bassiouni finds in how Arab states are placing a “selective line” for respecting the limits of accountability.
Furthermore, Bassiouni criticized the Libyan government for its “monolithic concept of accountability” that does not apply to everyone. Currently, eight-thousand prisoners are deemed to have been supporters of Gadhafi in one way or another; however, they are not being tried, but were simply placed in jail based on accusations. Moreover, the Tuareg rebels were expelled and faced no due process. Thus, although there is a perception of justice, this “justice” has been very “selective” because of token prosecutions taking place against one side. He believes this selectivity will continue in the future.

Balancing Between Accountability & Reconciliation
Another challenge with implementing trial systems and general accountability in Libya is that it faces a national-reconciliation law and committee that are couching in alleged sharia and qiṣās terms. Eight of the nine members of the committee are Islamists, and Bassiouni believes that the Islamists’ interest in the reconciliation committee is an attempt to obtain votes for the parliamentary elections in June. He explained that because Libya is very tribal and familial, the committee’s release of a tribe member could lead to a “repayment” by the grateful tribe in votes.

Egypt is currently only handling 45 of corruption cases. Moreover, there is not a single case of violence by the regime prior to the revolution, and there are hundred cases being handled for alleged crimes by civilians following the revolution. Bassiouni also finds the 45 corruption cases to be “puzzling” because they are, for the most part, token cases based on “flimsy” accusations. Those indicted in the cases have, in fact, committed crimes that are far more serious. He named two examples:

Youssef Boutros Ghali, a former Minister of Finance, was sentenced to imprisonment for allocating impounded cars that he gave the interior ministry, which in turn distributed the cars. Relative to his key role in the institutionalization of government corruption, that is a “flimsy” charge.

Hussein Salem was a businessman with close ties to former president Hosni Mubarak. He is currently being held in Spain but has not been extradited to Egypt, where he is being tried in absentia. In 1979, Salem started a company in the United States and took part in arms sales from the United States to the Egyptian military. Ultimately, he was indicted for overcharging the Pentagon a total of $17 million—19% of which was obtained by Mubarak’s son, Alaa. Later on, Salem was licensed by the Mubaraks to supply Israel with natural gas; however, the gas was supplied to Israel far beyond the international market price. As such, Bassiouni suspects that the price difference was funneled to corrupt Egyptian officials.

Rule of Law: How Large is the Vacuum?
Another area of concern to Bassiouni is Egypt’s suffering from a “vacuum” in terms of the rule of law.  For instance, the nationality requirements the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) is placing on the president are not in the Egyptian Constitution. Moreover, SCAF’s taking power is not sanctioned by the Constitution. Furthermore, although the rule of law is spoken about frequently in Egyptian discourse, there has been a great deal of selectivity in actually applying it. This is demonstrated in the changing conditions and delays in setting up a new Constitution.

During his talk, Bassiouni briefly reminded the audience that such paradoxes can at times be found in the United States as well. While acknowledging America’s lead in accountability and the rule of law, its foreign policy has often dictated in one way and acted in another. Ultimately, he remarked, these are issues of power and wealth that will continue for some time.

In his concluding remarks, Bassiouni said that despite his pessimism about the near future, the “jury is still out.” He reiterated that the rule of law is “indispensable”: without it, there can be no true democracy and no freedom.

 

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Note: Mohammad Shouman is a join JD/MA candidate (2015) at The George Washington University Law School & at The Johns Hopkins University Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies.

Visit Mohammad’s blog / website at http://www.mohammadshouman.com/; Follow him on Twitter: @MohammadShouman; and/or on Facebook.

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April 30, 2012

ANERA: Human Development Programming in Palestine

PITAPOLICY supports community and human development programming activities and welcomes organizer perspectives who have recently volunteered for an activity.  Bassema Youssef, a DC based consultant, organized an event regarding human development programming in Gaza.  So this week’s post highlights ANERA’s (American Near East Refugee Aid) work through a perspective from both a specialist in communications, Lena Badr.

ANERA HUMAN DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMING: A Volunteer’s Perspective

By: Lena Badr

Washington, DC~Tuesday, April 24th, 2012 was a memorable night for the American Near East Refugee Aid supporters in Washington DC as we got the pleasure of welcoming ANERA’s Gaza Communications Officer, Rania El-Hilou, to the nation’s capital to give a first-hand account of the humanitarian situation in Gaza, Palestine. She introduced attendees to the people of her community who live daily under the realities of the continued Israeli blockade.

ANERA’s top leaders and officers engaged the crowd, whose knowledge of the Palestinian plight ranged from well-known activists to newly interested members, about the popular NGO’s recent and current projects in the region. The audience was intrigued to learn that they had the support of huge organizations, such as TOMS shoes, who recently completed a donation of 18,000 shoes to Gazan children. Emotions were tested as Rania showed her own documented videos of the children receiving the shoes and their excitement. Rania was also able to shed light on other ANERA initiatives such as water storage tanks, family gardens, and education in the region.

ANERA is a leading provider of development, health, education and employment programs to Palestinian communities and impoverished families in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon. However, most DC residents were unaware of the high approval ratings this NGO continues to receive and the fact that 96% of donations go directly to establishing jobs for the Palestinian people as they pool their own strengths and resources to create a better future.

The crowd also got the privilege of sharing a few laughs with local up and coming comedian Raad Missmar who infamously touches on the experience of growing up as an Arab-American. The entire crowd enthusiastically responded to his jokes as each could relate in their own personal way.

Overall, it was a night of networking and becoming familiar with an organization that works genuinely with the Palestinian people to learn about their specific troubles and then creates a game plan for countering those obstacles. Lawyers, responded with wanting to help as pro-bono legal representation, UNRWA leaders voiced the desire to reinforce ANERA’s future goals, and all who attended showed an eager will to be a part of such a motivating, non-denominational, progressive organization. It was a night of inspiration and once again the nation’s capital proved to be an extraordinary place to turn to when it comes to support for the Palestinians and their refugees.

Note: Lena Badr received her BA in Government & International Relations from George Mason University.  Her writings can be seen here: www.lenabadr.com.  Follow Lena on Twitter:@misslenabadr.

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April 25, 2012

World Bank & IMF Annual Spring Meeting: PITAPOLICY Consumes Information & Continues to Digest

 2012 marked the first time PITAPOLICY attended the annual World Bank and IMF meeting, held between April 17th through April 22nd, as a Political Economy Blogger–dare I say “the press.”  During PITAPOLICY’s public sector days, consuming information began with tracking the Washington Consensus’s policies for the pita-consuming region. Recently, PITAPOLICY contributed to the World Bank’s MENA Voices & Views entitled “Avoiding Groupthink on Arab World.” 

PITAPOLICY continues to digest the information but is happy to share complete analysis. PITAPOLICY had the opportunity to learn from these press briefings, events, and fora:

  • Economic Development & Prospects: Enabling Employment Miracles
  • Building Peaceful States: The New Deal
  • Political Economy of Subsidy Reform: Lessons for the MENA Region
  • Global Monitoring
  • Narrow Path for Global Economy
  • It’s All about Jobs: from Asia to Africa

Please email at info [at] pitapolicyconsulting [dot] com to request a 1 pager assessment. 

As I walked out of the IMF building on the side entrance to avoid protestors, I realized two things:

  1. I had to kick myself for not seizing the opportunity to ask the Iranian delegation how they felt about receiving praise by IMF Chief, Christine Lagarde, for serving as a model of subsidy cuts.
  2. I had to push myself to understand why economic issues morph into a game of political messaging.

As in the case of Egypt, the Popular Campaignto Drop Egypt’s Debt (PCDED) vociferously opposed an IMF loan to Egypt.  According to PDCED, the process to negotiate the loan package lacks transparency because Egypt’s Parliament, nor its Ministry of Finance, have disclosed the economic program reforms or other details of conditions.  An hour before this posting, Egypt’s interim government rejected the IMF proposal on the grounds that the spending cuts compromise subsidies that are key to maintaining social stability.

Press Briefing by the IMF Director of Middle East & Central Asia Department

Many MENA countries “responded to social pressures by increasing subsidies for oil and food, and as a result, this has put pressure on their budgets” such that their budget deficits have gone up–on average of 7.5 percent…in some countries this is even more,” opened  Masood Ahmed, IMF Director of the Middle East & Central Asia Department.  Regarding the North African countries, many of them are facing recession as oil revenues and remittances play heavily into maintaining social and economic stability.  The average growth rate for these countries is about 2.7 percent–and that is not too strong.  As a result macro-economic stability can play a role in the ongoing social and political transitions of many Arab Awakened countries, including those that have not been “awakened” just yet.

Unemployment in MENA is in the double digits.  According to figures from the International Labor Organization, MENA countries’ labor force has ballooned from 43.5 million to 72.4 million people.  To paraphrase Ahmed: the real challenge is how to transform these economies where the environment creates jobs and facilitates “inclusiveness” given that this region does not traditionally receive much foreign direct investment nor attracts much private investment. “What drives international investors also drives domestic investors,” reminded Ahmed.  Employment remains a challenge for countries in the region–whether they are directly or indirectly experiencing political and social unrest with respect to transitions occurring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria…

One framework that helps understand where MENA countries stand is to break them down into a) oil-importing and b) oil exporting countries.  For example, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries (Oman, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates) experiences about an 8 percent growth rate with an increase in current account surplus. Oil-exporting countries do share the singular challenge of its oil-importing counterparts: creating jobs and providing relevant skills.

Other Measures of Growth

As usual, questions from the press challenged the measure of growth–why does it always have to boil down to measuring Gross Domestic Product…why not measure with some qualitative assessment?  Civil society organizations, who also attend the World Bank seminars for the knowledge exchange portion of the meetings, also agree.  Regardless of one’s view of the Washington Consensus, it is always useful to observe and participate in order to engage and challenge.  Thus, PITAPOLICY was pleased to see the following civil society organizations from the pita-consuming region attending the fora:

  • Development Forum Foundation, Egypt
  • Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, Egypt
  • Lebanese Physical Handicapped Union, Lebanon
  • The Citizen Foundation, Pakistan

To put this all in context, over 28 US based organizations with MENA divisions also attended the CSO portion of the fora.  Thus, representation by MENA based civil society organizations is relatively disproportionate.

PITAPOLICY would agree with the third sector to some extent.  After all, within the third sector, a blogger is some sort of mix between press and civil society.  As a whole, the third sector contributes some sort of social capital.  (On that note: how come there is no exchange rate for tweets?  Not all tweets are incredibly useful or informative.)  In fact, PITAPOLICY would argue that tweets represent a some measure of social capital. If PITAPOLICY could gain more than just knowledge from tweets, then perhaps, there would be an incentive to revisit other issues that warrant more scrutiny–e.g. determining another measure of an economy’s growth.

 

 

 

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April 23, 2012

BDS Movement: Cross Talk Interview with Omar Baddar

PITAPOLICY  is proud that one of its Guest Contributors, Omar Baddar, was interviewed regarding the Boycotts, Divestments, and Sanctions Movement.  What goals has the BDS movement achieved so far? Does it aim for a constructive solution to the conflict? How should Israel react to it? Norman Finkelstein and Noam Chomsky agree that the goal of the movement is to destroy Israel – how valid is this judgment? Can the movement reinvent itself and win support from those who criticize it today?

Listen and evaluate for yourself as Norman Finkelstein has characterized this movement as  “cult”…

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P-mdkM-sbAQ&feature=youtu.be

CrossTalk Interviewees

  • Gilad Atzmon – British #jazz musician, composer, producer & writer.
  • Eric Walberg – Canadian writer on the Middle East, Central Asia and Russia, now at Al-Ahram Weekly
  • Omar Baddar – Huffington Post Blogger; Political Scientist; Human Rights Activist; Middle East Analyst, Writer, Commentator

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